From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy

An excellent analysis of political order and the structural processes required to provide a society with an effective government. Lamentably, it is also depressing for those from countries which have already ingrained noxious processes which are very difficult to remove.

One of the more thought provoking and original works I have read for some time.

You don't have to agree with everything Fukuyama has written, but you will have to think long and hard about why you disagree with him.

Good. I like reading about the Industrial Revolution and Democracy today. Discusses interesting concepts/themes/developments from Africa, China, Europe and the US. Each American state building from lumber and railroading. The notion 'clientelism' --patronage. The Italian model here. The middle class --a thing different in every decade and region. The political decay of a State of Courts and Parties. The emergence of a Strong State. Vetocracy. Adversarial judiciary, War

We have dumped so many things that went over the edge --the American Spoils System, resource exploitation, slavery.

F Fukuyama did it again. This book brings you through the history of mankind and explains inexorably why nations fail and other succeed. No, it is not geography to a large extent. He puts in perspective current events such as the crisis in Ukraine, the Arab spring and the gridlock in the US and EU. Why it is so hard to reform in a democracy when no compelling event such as war or depression leave no alternative. I was born in Canada, live in France, work in Russia and lived in the US and Sweden. I can think back while reading the book and understand how those countries have evolved their political systems.
This book might not be as popular as the manifesto to take away all inheritance and solve the inequality in this world. For a time.
It explains that it is human nature to give to kins before perfect strangers or even governments especially if one thinks there is poor value in doing so. Inescapable truths that it might not be such a good thing that people live even longer with inherent costs, dependence and suffering.
Democracies might be slower and messier to get things done than dictatures, but at the end people will want a say in how to lead their lives. Mr Fukuyama comes to the conclusion after having exhausted all other possibilities. Once the impossible is eliminated whatever remains is the truth.

This is an excellent book for those who are interested in the institutional evolution and the modern complex challenges that nations face.

The author presented today's issues in an excellent historical perspective away from the current polarization prevailing in the political arena. This kind of books are needed because they present a broader view of today's problems as well as their possible solutions.

This book is written by a biggest expert of politics in the world. The importance of UE is correlated at the developpement of burocracy, in according to the German power. The African states have been winning the war for the freedom. The China want superate the problems related to an hard censure about the information of media. Putin remains one of most strong leader of world. The Usa have lost their egemony, but the institutions could be more democratic than the level of ten years ago. Therefore we have a strong picture of new equilibria, with a great pleasure of the lector.

A rich global voyage well worth taking
By Martin E. Gold on October 30, 2016

“Political development…must be studied in its full historical context.” Francis Fukuyama, in “Political Order and Political Decay”, believes that, and does it. To cover political development world-wide, from the industrial revolution to the present (in this, the second volume of a two volume work), required the absorption of huge amounts of literature. Fukuyama assimilated that literature and has given us the benefit of a 30 page bibliography.

He begins with a comparative discussion of the evolution of what he sees as the three pillars of political development: (a) the state, by which he means a competent centralized bureaucracy managing a delineated territory, (b) the rule of law, and (c) accountability (wherein the government is responsive to the people, preferably through democratic elections, but at least by listening closely). This book is broader in scope and contains more diversity of analysis than was the case in his best seller “The End of History and the Last Man”.

Denmark, with three excellent pillars, is held up as a world-wide ideal. And it is prosperous as a result. Other countries may also have three pillars, but with various flaws, while others have just two, one, or none (Zimbabwe, Nigeria).

Fukuyama transverses each of the continents, looking closely at several selected countries along the way. China developed an excellent state bureaucracy way before anyone else but has continually struggled with both the rule of law and accountability. The U.S., in contrast, became a democracy well before it developed a well-functioning bureaucracy. As a result, it lived through a spoils system and clientelism (jobs or policy favoritism for supporters) until the American bureaucracy finally came into its own in the 1920’s. The most in depth anaylses are made of Germany, Britain, China, France, Japan, Argentina, Greece, Nigeria, and the U.S. The weakest analysis is of the Arab world, a region Fukuyama also had difficulty with in the “End of History”. Some have devolved into failed states (Syria) or military dictatorships having no rule of law or accountability (Egypt), while a couple can claim to be popular dictatorships with some limited electoral elements (Oman).

His overall conclusion is that no formula exists for “getting to Denmark”. Good leadership and good luck can play a significant role (Costa Rica) and bad leadership and luck can keep a country that should have done well from being where it ought to be (Argentina). And of course Denmark is a small homogeneous state which makes success easier.

Political decay is the focus of the last chapters. The touted American system of checks and balances (including the very large role played by the courts) has degenerated into gridlock. (He calls it “vetocracy”.) Also, the infusion of large amounts of money into electoral politics and into the legislative process is corrupting the system (at all levels). In addition, partisan redistricting (gerrymandering) is causing skewed election results. And appropriations for America’s once superb bureaucracy have been diminishing (intentionally). (Many conservatives are happy with these trends using slogans such as “Starve the Beast.”.) The American system of government, as a result, is less and less democratic (accountable) and the bureacracy is less and less effective, which results in lower regard and less support for the system as whole. The reader is left with the following question: Can the U.S. effectively reform itself? This book takes us on a very rich global voyage, -one well worth taking.