On China

Dr. Kissinger has written a book that will be appealing to foreign policy experts and enthusiasts, those interested in China and decision makers who feel compelled to keep abreast of the big picture.

Through 40 years of direct experience with the country, Dr. Kissinger lays out important points about China. 1) It is a major power in the world economically and politically and will be #1 or #2 throughout the 21st century. 2) Chinese politicians are obsessed with internal order given its long and often violent history. 3) China is focused on Asia and securing its sphere of influence there. 4) There will be a co-evolution between China and the U.S. and the relationship will not be like the superpower rivalry between the old Soviet Union and the U.S. 5) China does not have a missionary zeal to spread its culture or values. 6)China is a singularity. China is a unique civilization and describe it as a country is too narrow. It has 3,000 years of written history and another 1,000 of oral traditions which makes it the oldest, major civilization still on the modern stage. 7) It has It is a nation of paradoxes by Western standards. a) China has the world's largest population and workforce, 1.3 billion inhabitants and 500+ million workers; yet, it workforce will peak in 2015 and rapidly start to age and decline because of the one-child policy. b) It has some of the most modern cities and most backward villages with vast differences in economic development between the advanced coastal regions and under-developed western interior. c) It is modernizing at an unprecedented rated which creates jarring tensions between the new and the old.

At times the description of diplomatic activities and details is fascinating or long-winded. If you can work your way through some brief periods of tedium, Dr. Kissinger paints an expansive and detailed picture of Chinese national politics, foreign policy and the future opportunities and threats as the U.S. learns to interact with China as an equal.

I find this book thoroughly dissapointing, even more so since I have a lot of respect for Kissinger's other works. I wouldn't be reading this if it was published by someone else - but either his advance age has changed things or he simply sold out.

The book reads like it's written by the chinese government. It's a great tool to convince you that China is the greatest country in the world, always has been and always will be, no others can contend. This ignoring centuries of reality pointing to the opposite. The history is thoroughly misrepresented, disastrous and inept chinese actions that led to near destruction are presented as briliant handling of impossible situations. The first half of the 20th century is skipped altogether in a page and a half (since it's embarassing and doesn't reinforce the notion of chinese superiority). But there is a rather long chapter on Mao and his personal views and ramblings - and he's presented as some kind of brilliant historical figure. Nicely fitting with the Chinese Communist Party line.

If you want an independent analysis of China as it is in reality - you will not find it here.

Mariusz Ozminkowski's review is spot on.

Kissinger spends too much time on some less-important events in Chinese history and too little time on watershed moments. Moreover I think Kissinger fails to balance his admiration for Mao with an equal negativity toward his major flaws.

Example:

Kissinger literally spends only three pithy lines (p 184) on the fact that Maos policies during the Great Leap Forward led to twenty million deaths of starving Chinese citizens. He did not use any first-hand accounts to illustrate details of those harrowing three years in China.

However, he then spends the next four pages discussing in too much detail about a six month border dispute with India and how Mao was so shrewd in resolving the situation.

He references the famine in only two more lines in the book while he needlessly references the conflict with India throughout the entire book including the introduction.

Kissingers language towards death of Chinese people seems almost nonchalant and apathetic, and he largely avoids emphasizing Maos role in these mass killings. However he is almost reverent in tone when discussing Maos role in foreign policy during his reign.

In short I think this book is not a bad read but is strongly biased because of Kissingers involvement with the Mao regime. Thus it shouldn't be called 'On China' which implies an objective and balanced overview of modern Chinese history. Instead a more suited title would be 'My Views on China' with some emphasis on foreign policy

In his formidable 500-page-plus book, equally formidable scholar-diplomat Henry Kissinger writes about the nation with which he is inextricably linked: China. Kissinger infuses his text with impressive personal recollections based on more than 50 visits to China over 40 years, working either officially as national security adviser and secretary of state, or unofficially as a foreign policy expert. In that time, he has seen China's evolution through four generations of its leaders. His insights on foreign policy and his personal rapport with top officials enable him to embellish this diplomatic history with extraordinary detail and discernment. getAbstract highly recommends the book's vast scope to anyone seriously interested in examining China's current and future role in world politics and economics, and that should be just about everyone.

"On China" is a very informative, comprehensive, and persuasive exploration of Chinese history and contemporary China for western readers. I think most observers of his career consider Kissinger a complex, flawed person. He himself rationalizes his decision-making style as realist and realpolitik, and many times it is. His focus on a country's "interests" offers some useful clarity we could use today. Other decisions, however, were cynical, Macchiavellian, and ultimate against the American values he was supposed to be furthering and defending. I think anything you read by Kissinger you should take with a grain of salt, but I think "On China" is one of his better works.

While I disagree with Kissinger's politics, as a historian and witness to history his book is a must-read. The passages of his conversations with Chinese leaders and his interpretations are fascinating. Both an overall history and primary source, this is a book that students and teachers should read.

The book, On China, By Henry Kissinger is an insightful look at the history of Chinese culture and its role in the rise of Mao and the communist party in China. Kissinger’s firsthand experience in the high level talks between China and the U.S. is a fascinating analysis of the Nixon’s administrations Chinese foreign policy and the ground work it creating for the subsequent leaders in both China and the U.S. Kissinger’s discussion with the multiple generation of leaders in both China and the U.S. provide a great look into the evolving Sino-American relations from the mid-20th century through the beginning of the 21st century.

The book shows a unique privileged, if not classified, insights into USA Chinese and Russian diplomatic positions of recent history. It's not so much a look behind the scenes as Kissinger's realistic analysis of diplomacy past and present. His clearly anti-communist leaning doesn't prevent realistic admiration of Mao's diplomacy involving skillful exploitation of weakness and errors of Nationalists, Soviets and Americans. There is a metaphorical relationship to ancient China policy of dividing barbarians and to the military philosophy of Sun Tzu. The metaphor of wei qi (Go) doesn't quite work. The book provides a continuum of Chinese diplomacy starting with the first attempts to open China with British ambassador Macartney's negotiations in 1793. We see the Irony of China's Most Favored Nation status, a mirror image of the European and American MFN and Hay's Open Door Policy of the 19th century.

There is a reminder that China came out of a position of weakness to challenge America in the Korean War in 1950. There was a realization that neither Stalin nor America would allow China to fail as Mao and Zhou outmaneuvered both Stalin and Acheson. Jong Il Sung's actions caused China to redeploy troops from attack on Taiwan to support N. Korea.Chinese preemption trumped western deterrence. Kissinger tells how Mao advised the US to stay in Saigon, subtly giving the lie to LBJ's claim of Chinese aggression. There's an interesting reminder of the third VN war where China invaded and withdrew in a matter of 6 weeks.

Kissinger credits Mao and Zhou En-Lai with and normalizing relationships with the USA along with Nixon. He gives Deng Xioupeng credit for modernization of China. He clarifies to a small degree the inscrutability of Chinese diplomacy, which is currently a doctrine of cooperative coexistence with capitalism an aspect of human nature rather than ideology. Do they still anticipate and seek to facilitate a world communist revolution? Kissinger clarifies to a small degree the inscrutability of Chinese diplomacy, which is currently a doctrine of cooperative coexistence with capitalism an aspect of human nature rather than ideology. Do they still anticipate and seek to facilitate a world communist revolution?

This is a great look at triangular diplomacy of past and present. However for all his perspicacity Kissinger leaves a lot out. There's no help in understanding the current economic balance between the USA and China. What is the prognosis for dependence of China on the USA for growth versus USA dependence on Chinese savings and credit. Who will drop the rope first? Today's China diplomacy is largely economic as Obama and Hillary desperately try to get China to increase domestic consumption, revalue the renminbi, and keep financing American debt. Conflicting objectives to be sure as it's now the USA that proves inscrutable, or is it incompetence? It would be good to get Kissinger's insights into the importance and prognosis of economics as we are currently dependent on stockbrokers and sophomoric China bashing as in 'Death by China' by Navarro and Autry where American problems are attributed to evil intentions behind China's mercantilism.

This is a great look at triangular diplomacy of past and present. However, for all his perspicacity, Kissinger leaves a lot out. There's no help in understanding the current economic balance between the USA and China. What is the prognosis for dependence of China on the USA for growth versus USA dependence on Chinese savings and credit. Who will drop the rope first? Today's China diplomacy is largely economic as Obama and Hillary desperately try to get China to increase domestic consumption, revalue the renminbi, and keep financing American debt. Conflicting objectives to be sure as it's now the USA that proves inscrutable, or is it incompetence? It would be good to get Kissinger's insights into the importance and prognosis of economics as we are currently dependent on stockbrokers and sophomoric China bashing as in 'Death by China' by Navarro and Autry where American problems are attributed to evil intentions behind China's mercantilism. Kissinger doesn't tell us his feelings about negotiating with people who, by long tradition, considers him a barbarian. I wonder what he thinks about his basso role in the John Adams opera 'Nixon in China'.

Dr. Kissinger's latest book On China is described by Penguin as a "sweeping and insightful history," which it certainly is. However, it clearly intends to also be an analysis of the relationship of the United States and a rapidly developing superpower starting where Dr. Kissinger entered the history personally and then projected into the future coexistence of these two nations. On this level I was immediately struck by its comparison with China: Fragile Superpower by Susan Shirk. Kissinger makes reference as did Shirk to the game GO analogy in Chinese thinking, to comparison with Otto von Bismarck's development of a "rising" Germany, and to a win-win rather than zero sum outcome for the relationship, and there are other similarities. Certainly, Kissinger's view is much longer as Shirk's analytical piece picks up long after the Korean War. But it is in comparing the books that I find Kissinger's treatment much less detailed and far more respectful of the relationships he has with Chinese leaders-as though he plans yet another visit and wants a still friendly welcome.

Susan Shirk's central theme is that the Communist Party rulers of China view almost all domestic and international issues from a single viewpoint-the preservation of their rule. She dwells far more on issues that will always divide the peoples of China and the USA like religious suppression, lack of workers' rights, forced abortions, control of Tibet, Internet/media censorship, jailing and killing dissidents (Tiananmen), pirating of intellectual property, and unfair competition for jobs and currency supremacy. Both Shirk and Kissinger realize the necessity of having a way to deal with transient crises like the bombing of the Chinese embassy, the collision of our plane with theirs in the strait, WTO admission, the attempted purchase of UNOCAL, Japanese premiers' visits to war memorials, as well as longstanding problems like North Korea, Japan, and Taiwan, Taiwan, and Taiwan. These countries must understand each other if they wish to navigate such roiled seas. Kissinger tries to take this understanding into the deeply philosophical realm, which is why he rehearses the entire history of China and describes its recent leaders as polished, eminent statesmen. Shirk has the more realistic and pragmatic approach. She mentions Sun Tzu only once and Confucius never.

The many reviews here make it unnecessary to summarize Dr. Kissinger's book. It is an impressive effort that all Americans should read. However, it reminded me immediately of another book from 2007 by a US State Department member, who also visited and dealt with the Chinese on many occasions, that might be a better guide for relating to China's "peaceful rise." Perhaps Susan Shirk's work China: Fragile Superpower deserves another look to provide a more balanced view than Kissinger's of the leadership we face in China.

(Both books have only one map up front, Kissinger's more detailed, Shirk's more analytical. Kissinger has a central collection of of illustrations that are glossy images of leaders' visits right up to Obama. Shirk has interspersed photos directly illustrative of the points of narrative.)

Recently, for the obvious reasons there have been many books published about China. Especially since China's meteoric rise has accelerated in the last dozen years. Gargantuan economic growth. This obviously leads to an increase in geo-political and diplomatic power and influence that we are witnessing today. As the world enters the "Age of China" and Chinese domination in East Asia and other areas of the world, it's necessary to be informed and knowledgeable as much as possible about China.

As for Kissinger, he has supporters, neutral observers, and those who oppose him and loathe him. But if a reader solely focuses on the book as a piece of work about a nation and concept, "One China" appropriately delves sufficiently into different and important areas of China: this book examines China historically, contemporarily, and pontificates about the future.

The common questions of today can be better pondered with more knowledge acquired in this book: what ramifications if any, will there be with China as a/the global leader, as the United States declines? This question is likely the reason for the publishing of this book by Kissinger (and others in the first) Many of these book hit the best-seller list. But what makes this lengthy work by Kissinger unique is that it's a historical account written by a man (Kissinger) who's met Mao, Zhou Enlai, Deng, and others personally.

As the author and Nixon initiated Detente, Kissinger's comprehensive historical focus on China in its foreign policy is a significant positive of this book. From the very beginnings to the 20th Century, at length covering Mao and Zhou Enlai, China's relationship with the Soviet Union, and its role in the Korean war, to Deng Xiaoping, to today. This book (common with Kissinger books) contains numerous citations and is primarily a historical piece of work.

The period of Deng Xiaoping is given adequate attention as it was Deng who made many of the moves to transform China into what it currently has become (not saying they were all necessarily good). Is the China of today better because of Deng's changes? This is another topic, and a hypothetical one. Kissinger does not mention the human rights issue however, as Kissinger avoids this negative aspect and other criticisms. I'll note that although I don't trust the leaders of my own country, I'll never trust the Han-Chinese.

Admittedly having only read a few book about China, Kissinger's book is comparable to some of the other well-known books released in recent years about China. As with most books of this genre, if someone already knows more than the basics of Chinese history and in particular China's history of the 20th Century, he/she may not gain much new knowledge. Other works on China that focus primarily on the economic rational and reality of China are also worth reading (e.g. Jim Rogers), IMO.

Kissinger had put together a well written book explaining China's relationship with the West for the 21st Century. Although the heart of the book is the breakthrough establishing of US relations with China that Kissinger played a central role, the first third of the book lays out a solid analysis of how Chinese history affects modern Chinese foreign policy. Any serious student of international relations and anyone interested in Chinese foreign policy should read this book written by an individual who has not only studied China, but is one of the key players who fashioned the West's relationship with China today.

Henry Kissinger's - 'On China' has been one of the most insightful, thought-provoking, detailed reads I have had the privilege of having in a while. From someone who admittedly had only a cursory understanding of China / Chinese History prior to beginning this book, pieces of the tapestry of this ancient civilization are finally falling into place.

Given several detailed reviews by previous readers, I will attempt to focus instead on highlighting some of this book's successes, and areas where I felt it was somewhat limited.

SUCCESSES:
- High-Level Overview of Chinese History - The book begins its journey through China's history some 5000 years ago, skimming through the Warring States period and subsequent Dynasties before starting to dive into detail around the 19th and 20th centuries - Colonial Rule, Revolution, Formation of Taiwan, Cold War Politics, through to Modern Day China
- Profiles each of the key figures in Chinese Politics particularly over this later period, including Chiang Kai-Shek, Chairman Mao (Zedong), Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaopeng, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao etc
- Describes Chinese Philosophy and 'Thinking' that affects its political, economic, social and military positions
- Describes the American position and primary political concerns (particularly during the Cold War era) and its impact on managing relationships between China and the USSR
- Describes most every major international incident involving China (during Kissinger's time in office)- including the Cultural Revolution, Formation of Taiwan and the three Taiwan Strait escalations, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, Tiannemen Square etc
- Describes personal and working relationships between American and Chinese politicians and diplomats - style of politics, negotiation tactics, diplomacy etc

LIMITATIONS:
- Skims through the earlier part of Chinese History - (although focusing on only later Chinese history in detail admittedly provides this book with much needed focus)
- Focuses primarily on politics and the politicians - i.e the people Kissinger was most intimately involved with (on both sides of the Pacific). Little exposition on cultural, social, economic issues or on other non-political 'leaders' within China at the time leaves one feeling that a book on the history of the United States (1960s - 1990s)could similarly be written by purely focusing on JFK, Nixon, Reagan etc.
- Ends abruptly with the emergence of Modern Day China in the late 1990s - 2000's and does not delve into current flashpoints in US-Sino relations - military buildup in SE Asia, Space Race, IP / Corporate Technology Theft, Trade Deficits and Currency Manipulation, Financing and ownership of Soverign Debt, Resource Accumulation etc. - leaving a lot to ponder and reflect on.

In summary, this book is expertly written by one of America's greatest statemen - it is well researched, provides a wealth of information on Chinese history and politics, and allows us a window into Kissinger's personal style as well. It does have some limitations and personal biases which individual readers will feel differently about but overall, this is a must read for anyone with even a passing interest in China, its history, Cold War politics, or Kissinger. Highly Recommended A++

Henry Kissinger has incredibly unique insight into China's 20th Century history, and the chapters that touch on his personal experience are outstanding. As with any memoir, those sections should be taken with a grain of salt--but that hardly diminishes their impact. These chapters alone make the book a must read.

The earlier sections on Tang dynasty history, The Art of War and Weiqi, are all similarly interesting, but somewhat more perplexing. At some point did Henry Kissinger really become an expert on 8th Century Chinese history? Probably not, but he nonetheless has drawn on a group of researchers that clearly do have excellent knowledge of these periods. If the book is somewhat long and overly lionizes the brilliance of the Chinese political mind (It's a little much to hear how Mao repeatedly bested the Soviets, Americans, Koreans, Vietnamese etc, while somehow not managing to secure any major concessions, like Taiwan, for example), it still provides excellent insight and covers a huge swath of Chinese history with excellent detail.

Regardless of Kissinger's odd crush on China and apparent help writing the book, it's nonetheless worth a read.

This was the first book that I read from Henry Kissinger. When I finished the book, I thought: it was an excellent choice. It was nice to learn a bit about the thought , history of the great China People, and diplomatic's interaction with USA. It is a Great Book that I recommend.

This is an excellent examination of a history of Chinese political thought with a focus that leads directly to advice for cooperation with the Celestial Kingdom in to the future. To understand, we have to know the history and understand the mindset of this ancient people. Only then can we more adequately interpret their actions and developments and lead to the Pacific community that will be so central to the future life of mankind. This is Henry Kissinger at his best describing what he knows best.

Henry Kissinger has provided a fascinating look at China's history, diplomacy, people, and culture. Kissinger first explains China's early history and it's interaction with Western powers, these experiences help explain China's future diplomatic policies. He explains China's experience as an early communist state, its role in the Korean War, and the Sino-Soviet Split are described leading to Nixon's trip to China. With his own personal experience negotiating with the Chinese Kissinger is able to describe opening China in great detail. He finally discusses Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms which led to a resurgent China and China's place in the world today. On China was a very insightful work, I was left with a deeper understanding and appreciation of China.

Kissinger starts out by reviewing Chinese history from ancient to modern times to show how that long history has molded their thinking. Then he goes on to demonstrate how time and again the Chinese have viewed our policy of deterrence as encirclement and aggression. And this difference in perception continues to be a problem today. The professor, however, ends by expressing his opinion that even though the Chinese threat is indeed inherent in their rapidly increasing capabilities (peaceful intentions can change) a military clash between the USA and China is not necessarily inevitable.

On China is a must read for those trying to explain China in the late twentieth century and predict the likely path a modernizing China will take economically, socially and in its relations with the US. Kissinger has met, corresponded with, negotiated against and influenced each major Chinese leader since the first meeting brokered by Kissinger between Nixon and Mao in 1972. His realist perspectives simplify the great events of his time -- the Korean War, the Vietnam War, Tiananmen and China's economic liberalization -- in order to provide a high level perspective on the past, present and future. However, On China falls short in three ways -- 1) He minimizes the significant abuses and mistakes of the country and of many of its leaders (living and dead), 2) his lens is so US centric that it fails to delve even superficially into the perspective of other important nations (e.g. Vietnam, Japan, South Korea, India) on the evolution of China and 3) so many of the major forks in the road for China feel "deterministic" -- there was only one way for affairs to turn out, and there were not any good options other than the one Kissinger chose.

The first half of the book is context setting -- building on an analogy of Wei Qi, an ancient Chinese board game that emphasises strategic encirclement and how it differs from Western military strategy, which stresses "concentration on the decisive point" and "total victory" (this is never squared with "the balance of power" element of Western diplomacy). While the importance and pride Chinese leaders and people feel towards their cultural heritage is important, Kissinger unnecessarily minimizes the relevance and longevity of key Western traditions. He claims in the prologue "In no other country is it conceivable that a modern leader would initiate a major national undertaking by invoking static principles from a millennium-old event -- nor that he could confidently expect his colleagues to understand the significance of the allusions." I am not so sure -- most modern leaders would be familiar with the "Trojan Horse," the "Siege of Masada", Hannibal crossing the Alps or the Crusades. The West has its traditions and customs as well -- even if the nation-states which evolved over the years have changed.

The second part of the context-setting is the weakest part of the book, with the exception of a very in-depth review of the Korean War (which was surprising -- I expected Kissinger to focus more on Vietnam given his personal involvement in government during that war). One leaves the first half of the book with several important foundational points on "how to think about China" -- they have a keen sense of pride and history, colonialism left the country with a deep fear of loss of sovereignty, they are a strong nation by dint of their size, but collectively the nations which border China constitute a significant threat, the invasion by Japan through Korea left China with a desire to avoid having a strong Korea on its doorstep,

Kissinger uses the next section of the book to demonstrate that Mao is more of a "continuation of the past" then the revolutionary that he was. This is the section that left me feeling let down -- was Mao, who's policies were responsible for the death of millions in the Great Leap Forward, always as it would seem, one step ahead of everyone else? Was the chaos of the Cultural Revolution just a phase that didn't work out very well, as opposed to the mad undertaking of a leader with no conscience? Kissinger seems to look for logic and rationality in a period that was clearly terrible for China and the citizens of that country.

The strongest part of the book was the final third. Kissinger is now writing from deep experience, and with unparalleled access. His perspectives on Deng's leadership, the implacability of the Taiwan issue, the realist perspective on Tiananmen, the challenges of maintaining a stable dialogue through changes of government and the occasional crisis are thought-provoking and well-founded. He closes on a three-scenario view of evolving relations -- one of inevitable confrontation (the Crowe perspective, drawn from the early 1900's view of UK and German relations), the Dai Bingguo perspective (which is a "rosy scenario" about the inevitability of China's peaceful rise) and then Kissinger's aspiration for a "Pacific Community" that creates a framework for the nations bordering the Pacific (would this include India?) to reconcile their differences and manage towards common interests.

As a Chinese woman who went through Mao's Cultural Revolution, I totally agree with the views of Dr. Kissinger. The book is written by someone who understands China but with America's interest in heart! Make sure buy the paperback with a new afterword. It is so very helpful to understand a country so vast with 4,000 years of history. Kissinger is not naive, not at all; he is a very skilled (almost shrewd) politician. Mao is a man with many sides. He was narrow and cruel on one side but a great visionary on the other. That is why he shook hands with his enemy, America, when he thought necessary. We, people of the world, need such visionaries (Nixon, Zhou, Deng, and Kissinger). It is time for America to open its mind and heart to the world.

A superb educational opportunity from one whose foes even consider him the brightest of the brightest. I just finished it, after reading Walter Issacson's "Kissinger" and Kissiinger's "Diplomacy." A trilogy of big stuff! I didn't vote for Republicans who Dr Kinsinger served, but I always admired this fellow's mind and work. China, the book, ends with advice from which one's brain can feel the fullest meaning of the word "wise." It's a 20-hour read where Dr K speaks to the reader in lucid language outlining how China came to be presently and why we need not fear, though be concerned with, how they act (not speak) as we should be with how we act (not speak) toward them. Don't die Dr., the world still needs your input. If ever you must die, thanks for putting into writing all that's in your mind on issues of such greatness that the world's best best not ignore -for all our sake. I loved the quote from Kant at the end. A big thank you; and thank God for your life's work.
Mickey Long
Boston, MA

"On China" offers an interesting arrival point for the greatest proponent of realism, positing that the depth of economic interdependence may alter conventional realist imperatives in a shifting balance of power. While you may agree or disagree with Kissinger's conclusions, this book draws on the expert's insight and understanding of Chinese culture and politics to inform the debate. I found it extremely educative, and think it is a critical read for anyone interested in the future of Chinese-US relations or following the current Administration's smart-power reiteration of the US as a Pacific Power.

Mariusz,said it quite well and there is very little to add.It could have been a great book if Kissinger would not have overplayed his own role.Even Helmut Schmidt,German,s Ex-Kanzler,said it in his last book." The book is more about Henry then China".And they are great friends.Anyhow if you want a first rate analysis of China I do recommend anything what Harry Yew wrote.His insights are deeper and well founded in History.

Exceptionally well researched made even more valuable since the author was a key participant in much of the diplomacy that took place between China and the United states. Read this book and you will begin to understand the history and philosophy behind China's current actions in the south China sea and towards the surrounding nations . The three key nations, China, Russia and the United states are again on similar conflicting paths, each with their own critical weaknesses which may influence their ability to implement their strategies and achieve global economic and energy dominance.

I am a history buff and love Chinese history, and naturally I enjoyed Kissinger's latest book. On China is well written and full of historical facts and events dated back from Huang Di, Spring-Autumn and War Era 1200 B,C, The book is interesting enough to keep me engaged 90% of the time. I specailly like the part when he talked about his visits to China with Nixon in the 1960s. His depiction of Chou En-Lai and of Mao are interesting. Most Chinese mau not agree, but His point of views are fact-based and relevant. On the whole I'd recommend this book to Westerners who want to learn more about China. GOOD READ!

I bought this for students where mail does not work. But I’ll never do it again. Kissinger is an awful and pompous human being. I’m sorry I got it for the students but it’s not my job to prevent someone from learning - just to allow people to learn freely even if i disagree.

I expected more. This book reads like series of extended historical essays written on China with a few (largely favorable) memories tossed in to justify the author's vantage point. While Kissinger's musings are interesting and important, they grow tiresome (especially in the later pages) and there isn't the real historical heft to the rest of the book to save a reader when they grow wary of the reminiscing. A decent read, but by no means a great one.

As is to be expected -given the background of the author- this book deals primarily with aspects of Chinese foreign policy. Again, as is to be expected from the author, the books deals with the subject superbly!

The first 200 pages deal with the history of China (and mostly of Chinese foreign policy) up to the secret visit of the author to China in 1971, balance 400 pages from then on, until 2010.

One should not expect a history of China, covering all aspects equally, nor should one expect a complete biography of Mao. This, I think, was not the aim of Dr. Kissinger. As the title indicates, the book covers one area of China, and this is its relationship with the outside world.

And this aspect is treated with great competence, impeccable logic, and in a very interesting style!

Full marks for this important book!!

A good primer on China history and especially recent events, form probably the best informed western person there's.

It exposes both American and Chinese positions from their own points of view and without silly preconceptions usually associated with Americans.

Kissinger comes off as sort of a China apologist in some places, but this is a good overview of US-China relations. His realist prescriptions are a good guide for peaceful relations between the two countries.

Before I finally bought this book I thought, "here's another former politician who will use this space to aggrandize himself and have history prove him right." To my utmost surprise, I was completely wrong. As it turns out, "On China" is a must-read for anyone who does business in or with China, or anyone who wants to understand the Chinese ethos that has developed over centuries where cycles of stability and turmoil, insularity and "openness" have had a profound impact on the psyche of a people. Neither a history text nor personal memoir, read full review at <...>

Very balanced and based on thoughtful analysis and the author's tremendous experience. It gave me a new perspective. If you like reading foreign affairs and history of US-China relations, I recommend this book.

One would be hard pressed to point to any relationship between two countries that will have greater global impact over the coming decades than the relationship between the United States and China. We would be equally hard pressed to find a better guide to understanding and explaining the historical foundation, current status and future prospects of that intricate, evolving and potentially brittle relationship than Henry Kissinger.

Intellectual, academic, author, consultant to private and public leaders in both countries, and most significantly, as National Security Adviser and Secretary of State to Presidents Nixon and Ford, Kissinger was arguably the primary actor whose performance on the international stage shaped the current state of Sino-American relations.

The name of Henry Kissinger's new book is "On China". A more accurate title might be "On Sino - American Relations - A Handbook for US and Chinese Diplomats and Leaders".

In the preface and prologue Kissinger is explicit about his intentions:

"This book is an effort... to explain the conceptual way the Chinese think about problems of peace and war and international order, and its relation to the more pragmatic, case-by-case American approach... American exceptionalism is missionary... Chinese exceptionalism is cultural... A primary focus of this book is the interaction between Chinese and American leaders since the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949."

Kissinger hits the mark. It is well written in an easily accessible style that does not require prerequisite knowledge of Chinese history or culture. Yet by simple virtue of its 530 page length, breadth and depth, the book requires a reader to make a commitment and bring a strong desire to understand the historic and cultural foundation on which current Sino-American relations are built.

It is only in the last chapter and epilogue that Kissinger explains why it is vitally important for Americans (and Chinese) to make the effort to understand the cultural and psychological differences in our respective approaches to foreign relations. These differences have in the past and may again in the future lead to misunderstandings, distrust, unintended consequences and tragedy. I suggest that anyone wondering whether to commit to the effort required by this tome to read the epilogue first. It doesn't give anything away, but it does raise the stakes and correctly frames the context needed to appreciate the rest of the book. I'll revisit the epilogue later in the review.

"On China" is organized chronologically, beginning with the early history of China and ending with a look into her immediate future. Although it is structured as a historical timeline, it is not a conventional history nor does it pretend to be comprehensive. The history is offered as a framework for understanding the roots of the Chinese world view and (if we accept Kissinger's premise) as the keys to unlocking and understanding contemporary Chinese diplomatic approaches to managing US relations.

Kissinger cites ancient Chinese texts and thinkers like Sun-Tzu and Confucius to compare and contrast American and Chinese approaches to international diplomacy. Throughout the arc of post revolutionary Chinese history, Kissinger repeatedly applies these ancient texts and principles to explain the contemporaneous Chinese attitudes and illustrate recent historic and current events including the Korean War, the Mao/Nixon/Kissinger initiatives to restore relations, two Vietnam wars and even the current currency/trade negotiations. First he outlines ancient texts including Confucian thoughts, Sun Tzu's Art of War, Ming Dynasty strategies for "using barbarians to check barbarians ", Han Dynasty tactics to use "five baits" to manage barbarians [foreigners], the game of "surrounding pieces" known as "Wei Qi" or "Go", and the pervasive perception afforded by millennia of Chinese cultural exceptionalism. Then he shows how these ideas and attitudes have been in the recent past and continue now to be practically applied by Chinese leadership to international relations in the modern era.

Kissinger concludes with a warning. The failure to understand the differences in strategy and tactics applied by China and the US in international relations can lead to misunderstandings with tragic consequences. In chapters 4 and 5, he contends this is exactly what happened in Korea:

"In China's conflicts with both the United States and the Soviet Union, Mao and his top associates conceived of the threat in them of a wei qi concept - that of preventing strategic encirclement. It was in precisely these most traditional aspects that the superpowers had the most difficulty comprehending Mao's strategic moves... Mao was determined to prevent encirclement by any power or combination of powers,regardless of ideology, that he perceived as securing too many wei qi "stones" surrounding China, by disrupting their calculations. This was the catalyst that led China into the Korean War..."

" ... When the Chinese view of preemption encounters the Western concept of deterrence, a vicious circle can result: acts conceived as defensive in China may be treated as aggressive by the outside world; deterrent moves by the West may be interpreted in China as encirclement. The United States and China wrested with this dilemma repeatedly during the Cold War; to some extent they have not found a way to transcend it."

Which brings us to the epilogue - where Kissinger turns his eyes from looking back to looking forward and applying the lessons learned. The epilogue may be the rasion d'etre for the book. Here Kissinger asks the question "Will History Repeat Itself?" - clearly fearing it might, and perhaps hoping his book points to a way of avoiding the future he fears.

The history that Kissinger hopes to avoid is not the recent Sino-American history that consumes his attention in the first 500 pages. Instead he invokes pre-World War I Europe where an emerging unified Germany challenged the preeminence of the dominant superpower of the age - the United Kingdom. He cites the "Crowe Memorandum" written in 1907 by a senior official in the British Foreign Office. In this memorandum (characterized by Kissinger as "brilliant") Crowe argues that future conflict is inherent in the relationship of the two powers.

Crowe concluded that it made no difference what goal Germany avowed. Whichever course Germany was pursuing, "Germany would clearly be wise to build as powerful a navy as she can afford." And once Germany achieved naval supremacy, Crowe assessed, this in itself - regardless of German intentions - would be an objective threat to Britain and "incompatible with the existence of the British Empire."

The obvious comparison is to a rising China building as powerful a military and economy as it can, and begs the question whether China similarly becomes an objective threat to the United States - "regardless of intentions".

Perhaps Kissinger sees this book as his own modern day "Crowe Memorandum". By calling attention to the potential dangers inherent in the relationship, he hopes to head off a similar catastrophic conflict. Certainly he finishes with suggestions to avoid such a fate, and strikes a hopeful (or wishful) note:

"I am aware that the cultural, historic, and strategic gaps in perception that I have described will pose formidable challenges for even the best intentioned and most far-sighted leadership on both sides. On the other had, were history confided the mechanical repetition of the past, no transformation would ever have occurred. Every great achievement was a vision before it became a reality. In that sense, it arose from commitment, not resignation to the inevitable."

Growing up in the shadow of the Vietnam war, I have mixed feelings about Henry Kissinger and in particular the role he played in the Nixon and Ford administrations. That said, I judge this book a success by the standards he set out in the preface, as well as by my own lofty expectations.

Reading it has changed the way I look at China, our historical relationship, and the issues confronting us today and in the future.

The book is worth reading. And yet, a novice to the subject of China, its history, and especially China's foreign relations, should be advised to take Dr. Kissinger's analysis with great caution and skepticism. Kissinger analysis is at times very interesting, at times pretentious, and, unfortunately, very often naïve. Of course he "was there," he experienced a great deal of what he describes, and certainly he had studied the subject. But instead of helping his analysis, his own experience stands on the way of objectivity. First, Kissinger is in awe of Mao Zedong. Mao can do no wrong for Kissinger. All Mao's decisions are based on meticulous planning; informed by the millenia of China's culture; and with long term considerations. In Kissinger's view, when Stalin maneuvers in some negotiations, he is conniving and conspiring, but when Mao is doing the same, he is planning, he is thinking, and following ancient Chinese strategy. Historical facts do not sustain that picture. Although Mao clearly was very skillful revolutionary, his behavior was also very erratic and often reckless. Kissinger rarely, if ever, admits that. For example The Great Leap Forward that led to famine and estimated 30-40 million deaths and set China back decades in economic development is barely mentioned by the author. The destructive and humiliating Cultural Revolution is actually presented in a positive light by Kissinger. Maybe he didn't intend the portrayal to be that way, but Kissinger writes about Cultural Revolution as it would be a political and philosophical campaign that simply didn't fulfill Mao's expectations. It was a "titanic struggle." The fact that China's society and culture was almost destroyed doesn't seem to be bothering Kissinger that much. For him Mao is still the "philosopher king," and no, there is no sarcasm in Kissinger's words. Kissinger seems to be impressed by Mao's skillful use of poetry and ancient proverbs, but doesn't see the ignorant, paranoid, and delusional side of the man who was responsible for destructive policies throughout the 50 and 60s. That's why I would argue that Kissinger's portrayal of Mao is naïve.

Second, Kissinger has an annoying habit of explaining all in terms of Chinese culture. Obviously, the culture does play an important role, but when all is explained by culture, nothing is. There is a "cultural explanation" for the Chinese being assertive in politics, and there is a "cultural explanation" when they are diffident. When they wait patiently when they are overrun by others, well, that's their culture, they know from thousands of years of history that the tide will turn one day. When they fight and resist, well, there is also some cultural explanation.

Kissinger's analysis gets better the closer he gets to the present times. Although he never abandons his respect for Mao, his description of the reforms under Den Xiaoping beginning in 1978 is fascinating, not so much the fact that China finally began economic expansion, but how difficult and even uncertain the reforms were in the early years. Of course, Kissinger cannot avoid a constant reminder of his own importance throughout all these years. His grandiosity is somewhat annoying (and that's why I said the book is at times pretentious).

Finally, I would argue that the epilogue is the best part of the book: a look into the future of China and U.S.-China relations. In short, I am rather disappointed with the description and analysis of Mao's Years, but satisfied with the later parts of the book. And overall, knowing Henry Kissinger's work and writing, I expected a greater mind.

There is no doubt that Dr Kissinger is or was a skillful diplomat. And this book is a great introduction from him to the history of Sino-American foreign policy. I thoroughly enjoyed reading Dr Kesssiger's accounts of his dealings with Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin. However, I can't help but observed that either the author has a romanticised view of the Chinese regime and its leaders or is censoring himself when writing this book for he knows the Chinese leadership will probably read it.

I appreciate the reality of foreign policy and that the advancement of national interests often carries with it unavoidable costs vis-a-vis morality and human suffering. But I agree with the assessment of Chris Patten (the last British govenor of Hong Kong)that Dr Kessinger let Mao off the hook too easily on what he did to the Chinese people by launching the Great Leap Forward (afterall only 20-40 million people died) and the Cultural Revolution, just like the author let Deng off the hook for ordering the PLA to crush the protesters at Tiananmen.

As someone who is ethinc Chinese working and living in China, working alongside Mainland Chinese including mid to high ranking officials, I can assure you the Chinese people themselves (officials included) are far harsher in their assessment of their current and past leaders. Like Dr Kissinger himself noted foreign policy does not exist in the vaccum of advancement of national interest, there has to be some underlying value system. To me, that underlying value system means respect for human rights and dignity. The Chinese are no different in their aspiration for human rights and dignity and it would be misguided for anyone (including the author) to side step that in their assessment of Chinese leadership.

I am not a fan of Kissinger's because of his advocacies in many political decisions concerning war and American power that violated human rights. In fact, I believe he should be tried by the World Court and be locked up. However, should he plea for clemency before the World Court, I would be in favor of granting him a much reduced sentence based on his grand accomplishment of helping to bring China out of isolation and possibly preventing the takeover of China by the Soviet Union. In so doing, he helped to better the lives of millions of Chinese and to improve U.S.-China relationships. Kissinger's rapprochement with China was done for selfish reasons (U.S. interest). Nevertheless by helping to possibly prevent a Soviet-China war, he benefited the world, particularly if such a war went nuclear.

With respect to his book, I must say, after reading many Western writers of Chinese history only Kissinger really wrote anything close to reality. Most of Western writers are so encumbered with their Euro-centric upbringing, I find their analysis of the facts implausible based on my understanding of Chinese history and the Chinese people. (I am Chinese born in Taiwan). Having heard so much unenlightened invectives against China and her leaders from tin-horn American and European politicians, who seem to be living on a different planet, it is refreshing to finally hear someone speak competently on this subject . This book is well written, contains many interesting facts that I was not aware of previously, and easy to read. I bought the hard covered version as well as the audio version from Audible.com. I will pass them on to my children to read.

Kissinger makes Hilary Clinton and President Obama look like high-school physics students trying to explain relativity and quantum mechanics to Einstein. (and I voted for both Clinton and Obama). It behooves our secretary of state, our president, as well as all Americans to read this book. Failure to properly understand China will lead us to our own peril

Thank you Dr. Kissinger for sharing your wisdom and experience. And thank you for your decades of effort dedicated to shepherding the development of peaceful relations between the United States and China. This book is a fascinating, clearly written survey of the history of Western (primarily U.S.) military and diplomatic engagement with China. At times, you are in the room with Dr. Kissinger and top Chinese leaders at pivotal moments in the evolution of Sino-U.S. relations. The book provides great context for understanding the current state-of-play in Sino-U.S. relations and offers hope that the constructive arc set in motion by Nixon and Kissinger and sustained through decades and across political parties can and should be sustained for the sake of both nations and all humanity.

Brilliant insights from Kissinger about China. This book really enriched my understanding of the culture, people, and aims of the country. Scary at some points, but also comforting in others. I agree with another reviewer who said this will be the "go to" book on China. It should be just exactly that.

Excellent book. It is very well and clearly organized. Mr. Kissinger writes in a language that anyone can easily understand. As one goes through the book, you feel you are part of Chinese history and are living the events as they unfold. Excellent text book for the history of China and its relation with its close neigbors, friends and foes, and the United States.

Rudy

I've enjoyed reading this book and learnt a lot from it. Kissinger provides a good overview of the Chinese way of thinking, and an insight into how it's different from Western strategic thinking. It's educational about the Chinese-American relations starting after the cultural revolution until the present time. However, the author's ego is sometimes in the way of his material.

A thorough, sympathetic account of China's past and present. Mr. Kissinger is famous for his observaton, correct n my opinion, that "The Chinese are smarter than us", and that attitude of admiration shows through.

Very disappointing- not much more than a common history of China without anything new. And the title --- shamefully plagiarized after so many of Mao's own writings -- On Practice, On Contradiction, On Protracted War, On Coalition Government, etc... etc... Come on. I expected so much more from such a famous person in US foreign policy.

A Primary focus of this book is the interaction between Chinese and American leaders since the PRC was founded in 1949. `On China' runs through four generations of Chinese leaders, Kissinger has used these leaders and their diplomacy as primary sources in writing this book.

I think Kissinger's representation of China as a self-absorbed exceptionalist powers borders on offensive. He over-uses the term `barbarians' in describing what the Chinese leaders nicknamed every other nations leaders. You must keep in mind that Kissinger is a machiavellian and prominent supporter of realism. Therefore, this book must be read from the standpoint of an American realist..."the ends justify the means".

His views are delivered in a way which makes the United States seem `on top of everything', `always in charge' and sometimes even `victims' in this Sino-US relationship. The book lacks any major WW1, WW2 or Vietnam references. One of the biggest mistakes is that Kissinger tried to understand ancient Chinese history, this is a bit embarrassing. This is NOT a book about China, this is a book about the diplomatic relationship between China and the United States from the 60s-80s, nothing more.

Although, I did enjoy Kissinger's occasional input of comedy;

"Mao set the tone of the next day's meeting by receiving Khrushchev not in a ceremonial room but in his swimming pool. Khrushchev, who could not swim, was obliged to wear water wings. The two statesmen conversed while swimming, with the interpreters following them up and down the side of the pool. Khrushchev would later complain: "It was Mao's way of putting himself in an advantageous position. Well, I got sick of it. . . . I crawled out, sat on the edge, and dangled my legs in the pool. Now I was on top and he was swimming below."

Prior to the publication of this book the definitive resource on China was Jonathan Spence's "In Search of Modern China". Spence the Yale Professor, is still indispensible to a modern understanding of this remarkable country. Now there is a second more up to date source and that is Henry Kissinger. The former Secretary of State who is now 88 years fortunately has taken the time to put together this incredible piece of work that only he could have created.

The book demonstrates the necessity of having lived a very long productive life and generating wisdom capable of distilling his understanding of a country down to a 530 page volume of work. It is as good as any of his previous works (13 with this one) and for my money I now put this book in Kissinger's top three, along with WHITE HOUSE YEARS and DIPLOMACY.

First the MECHANICS of the Book

If you are going to read the hard copy as opposed to digital, you are in for a treat. The font is beautiful, and the paper used to print the volume is delicious. I say this because if you are a heavy reader; you really appreciate turning the pages of beautifully textured pages. I annotate all of my books, writing in margins, in the back on blank pages and just about everywhere, and I love writing on beautiful page that take the ink nicely. This book was crafted professionally as good as it gets.

The ORGANIZATION of On China

The Secretary has made 40 trips to China in his lifetime, enough that he should be the Honorary Ambassador to the country. He is thoroughly infused in the history of China, and he certainly does give you the history. There are 18 chapters plus an epilogue spread over 531 pages. There are 36 pages of footnotes and it is obvious that the Secretary had considerable organizational help with the footnotes which is to be expected.
The first three chapters or 91 pages are devoted to the nation's history and Kissinger gets it right. I have made many trips to China, but I still have problems with the language. When you read any book on China, you will have problems with pronunciation. What I do is quickly scan the book writing down 50 or a 100 names or terms I can't pronounce, and then head for the first Chinese restaurant in town, and ask for help with the words. People love to help, especially when you are taking an interest in their culture and language.

The guts of the book begins on page 91 or Chapter 4 which is Mao's Continuous Revolution. This chapter is superb and superbly written. If you study American China relations, the question that is always stipulated is whether or not America lost China in 1949. Kissinger correctly reminds us that China might never have been ours to lose, so we asking the wrong question.

Mao always believed that the Confucian order had for thousands of years kept China a weak China. Confucius preached HARMONY, and Mao believed that progress could only come from brutal confrontations both in China and with outside adversaries for China to advance. Mao also believed that these confrontations would happen naturally, but if they did not, he was not beyond creating confrontations even if they had to be within the Communist party to kept progress going, as he understood progress.

Chapter 6 which deals with China Confronts Both Superpowers is another section that only Kissinger could have written. It is here that China confronts the Soviet Union creating the Sino-Soviet split, and the United States with the Taiwan Strait Crisis. The chapter is riveting, and will affect and change your understanding of history.

MY ANALYSIS

The book is indispensible. You cannot understand China and modern Asia without having this book under your belt. One would have to be foolish to visit China and not read this book first to truly benefit from such a trip. Mao was famous for the Long March, and this book is a long journey for the reader but it is very rewarding. The Secretary takes us through the Road to Reconciliation in Chapter 8, and then the first encounters with Nixon, himself and the Chinese leadership in Chapter 9.

It is a fascinating portrayal of power meeting power head to head, and the respect that even enemies can hold for each other. It is now generally accepted that only Nixon the hardened right winger could have opened the door to China and brought the American people along with him, because he Nixon was viewed as tough. Perhaps in a decade or two, Harvard will accept what most historians have already accepted.

In Chapter 11 we witness the End of the Mao Era. Zhou Enlai falls and Deng's first return to power begins. Kissinger loves writing about Deng and calls him the indestructible Deng throughout chapter 12. Keep in mind that it was Deng who opened up modern China and began the reforms that were necessary for China to assert itself years later internationally and economically.

For those readers that know very little of China, this book is a whirlwind tour of a country fast gaining hegemony over Asia. You need to read Chapter 13 on the Third Viet Nam to understand how China is capable of dealing with its neighbors. Had we handled Viet Nam this way, the outcome and history would have been different.

CONCLUSION:

Henry Kissinger ON CHINA is destined to become a best seller and in the process will greatly help an America that knows very little about China except for newspapers, to understand not just the history of this vital country, but its future and the nexus of that future with America's future. No one can ignore China, so the sooner we as Americans gain the understanding that we need to make intelligent decisions, the better off we will all be. If you have an interest in China whatsoever, run to read this book, and do not put it down until you are finished with it. Good luck and thank you for reading this review.

Richard C. Stoyeck

ASSIDE:

I will share something extraordinary with you. When you read a book like this, you will have a better understanding of China than 98% of the people living in China and 95% of the Chinese people living in America. I am still shocked when I meet Chinese people in this country young and old who have next to no understanding of Chinese history prior to Mao. They do not know the name Sun Yat-sen, or even Zhou Enlai, and forget about the Cultural Revolution unless they lived through it. Even the tragedy of Tiananmen Square is fast fading from memory.

It reminds me of German history in the post Hitler period. Anybody in Germany who was educated post 1950 has very little to no understanding of the Hitler period. It is simply glossed over as a dark period in German history; the teachers do not know what to say. Just amazing.

"On China" by Dr. Henry Kissinger is a non-fiction book in which the famous states­man recounts and advises on the future of Chi­nese diplo­macy with the west.

Dr. Henry Kissinger writes at length about the coun­try he has known for decades. Recount­ing Chi­nese his­tory and cul­ture, Kissinger exam­ines how China sees itself and the out­side world.

Dr. Kissinger exam­ines key episodes in Chi­nese for­eign pol­icy, from hun­dreds of years ago to cur­rent events with empha­sis on the rise of Mao Zedong.

One of the things which always fas­ci­nates me when it comes to polit­i­cal books is how deci­sions are made behind closed doors, the diplo­macy, arm twist­ing and walk­ing on tight wires which are the bane of for­eign pol­icy makes around the world. In his book "On China", Dr. Kissinger explains some of this process which I find so fascinating.

The book, which draws exten­sively from Dr. Kissinger's per­sonal expe­ri­ence, starts with an intro­duc­tion to ancient Chi­nese cul­ture and for­eign pol­icy. Chi­nese cul­ture has a lot of bear­ing on the Chi­nese diplo­mats' way of think­ing and state­craft. As Dr. Kissinger found out, that was the key to under­stand­ing and nego­ti­at­ing with the Chinese.

I enjoyed read­ing this book and get­ting, what seems to me, insight­ful and insider's infor­ma­tion. How­ever, this is one tough book to read. Lots of infor­ma­tion is thrown the reader's way, many nuances and names are being recalled, all the while ref­er­enc­ing thou­sands of years of Chi­nese his­tory which cul­mi­nates at the nego­ti­a­tions table.

Dr. Kissinger writes about the Chi­nese insti­tu­tions and the think­ing of Chi­nese diplo­mats when cre­at­ing pol­icy from ear­lier encoun­ters with Euro­pean pow­ers, the rise of com­mu­nism in the Soviet Union and to the break­down of that alliance. Mr. Kissinger man­ages to tackle sen­si­tive sub­ject like the Korean War and the Tianan­men Square crack­down through ele­gant writ­ing explain­ing US-Chino rela­tions. As an added bonus, Dr. Kissinger ana­lyzes Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaop­ing, two of the People's Repub­lic most engag­ing fig­ures and com­pares their vision for China's future.

The book fol­lows the diplo­macy tri­als, errors and suc­cess while break­ing many myths which until now only priv­i­leged diplo­mats were aware of. A fas­ci­nat­ing book which I felt priv­i­leged to read.

I just got my hardcover copy of Henry Kissenger's newly published On China (Penguin). I enjoyed the NY Times excerpts on Saturday and ordered the book at once from the store. I am sure I will enjoy the reading; but I am disappointed in the plain design of the cover and jacket. And where are the full-color, fold-out maps needed to understand China's place in the world? It is not your fault, the store, but who else can I blame?

Why is it that cookbooks, books on art and architecture, and coffee-table books are beautifully illustrated and often innovatively bound but that even the most important nonfiction works show little of the bookbinder's and book designer's crafts? I gladly would pay a 50% premium for the same book in a premium edition.

If we can have Kindle and other digital editions that are stripped bare of all but the words, can we not have something else that looks good on the shelf, is fun to touch, and makes a handsome gift? McLuhan was mostly right, "The medium is the message." On China may be seen by many as an important book, even a valuable book; too bad it is not a beautiful book.

Perhaps this explains why I can not read my Kindle unless it has on its red, Moroccan leather jacket.

Reading On China brought back memories of the Nixon years, those winters and summers of our discontent that straddled the 1960's and 70's. Henry Kissinger, as national security adviser and then secretary of state, spent much of that time toasting foreign leaders, zipping back and forth across the globe, bending the president's ear, and occasionally expressing a wish that he should be president himself. The author of a long line of books, Mr. Kissinger maintains a prodigious output of words, a decades-long logorrhea that focuses on foreign affairs, but also covers history, culture, and religion. He shows great insight and a comprehensive grasp of international relations, all the while adhering to his pragmatic realpolitik approach. The book is well written, well organized, occasionally pedantic, but usually quite engaging. I hesitate to say this of a serious work that runs 530 pages, but it is a fairly entertaining read. Kissinger provides perspective and insight into the enigmatic nation that is rising in power just as rapidly as the US is falling.

From the first run-on sentence of the prologue to the last sonorous snippet of final advice, this book is a lengthy, detail heavy and ultimately revealing study of American foreign relations during the past 60 years. The author was a witness to some of the central events of that relationship, during the Nixon and Ford administrations, and although he was shut out by Jimmy Carter, he maintains a presence in those relations even now. His recollections of personal conversations, based upon his own notes, constitutes a valuable source for historians, and an educational experience for all readers.

The first time that I met Henry Kissinger, he seemed completely out of his element. Engaged in a mundane domestic task in a suburban Boston neighborhood, he seemed to be in discomfort, obvious even to a seven year old like me. Ironically, he would soon be putting foreign dignitaries at ease with his wit and charm. My father told us that he was a "Harvard professor," a phrase spoken with derision and dismissal. The neighbors were shocked when he became a national figure. Little did we guess that the diminutive figure with the old world demeanor and rumpled business suit harbored a sizeable intellect, a mighty pen, and an even more sizeable ego. The ego still comes through in his writing, but the benefits of this book far outweigh the minor drawbacks. I recommend it to all who want to understand China better. I believe that it will become essential reading for those who will have to deal with China, a group which includes just about everyone.

I've enjoyed reading this book and learnt a lot from it. Kissinger provides a good overview of the Chinese way of thinking, and an insight into how it's different from Western strategic thinking. It's educational about the Chinese-American relations starting after the cultural revolution until the present time. However, the author's ego is sometimes in the way of his material.

A thorough, sympathetic account of China's past and present. Mr. Kissinger is famous for his observaton, correct n my opinion, that "The Chinese are smarter than us", and that attitude of admiration shows through.

Very disappointing- not much more than a common history of China without anything new. And the title --- shamefully plagiarized after so many of Mao's own writings -- On Practice, On Contradiction, On Protracted War, On Coalition Government, etc... etc... Come on. I expected so much more from such a famous person in US foreign policy.

A Primary focus of this book is the interaction between Chinese and American leaders since the PRC was founded in 1949. `On China' runs through four generations of Chinese leaders, Kissinger has used these leaders and their diplomacy as primary sources in writing this book.

I think Kissinger's representation of China as a self-absorbed exceptionalist powers borders on offensive. He over-uses the term `barbarians' in describing what the Chinese leaders nicknamed every other nations leaders. You must keep in mind that Kissinger is a machiavellian and prominent supporter of realism. Therefore, this book must be read from the standpoint of an American realist..."the ends justify the means".

His views are delivered in a way which makes the United States seem `on top of everything', `always in charge' and sometimes even `victims' in this Sino-US relationship. The book lacks any major WW1, WW2 or Vietnam references. One of the biggest mistakes is that Kissinger tried to understand ancient Chinese history, this is a bit embarrassing. This is NOT a book about China, this is a book about the diplomatic relationship between China and the United States from the 60s-80s, nothing more.

Although, I did enjoy Kissinger's occasional input of comedy;

"Mao set the tone of the next day's meeting by receiving Khrushchev not in a ceremonial room but in his swimming pool. Khrushchev, who could not swim, was obliged to wear water wings. The two statesmen conversed while swimming, with the interpreters following them up and down the side of the pool. Khrushchev would later complain: "It was Mao's way of putting himself in an advantageous position. Well, I got sick of it. . . . I crawled out, sat on the edge, and dangled my legs in the pool. Now I was on top and he was swimming below."

Prior to the publication of this book the definitive resource on China was Jonathan Spence's "In Search of Modern China". Spence the Yale Professor, is still indispensible to a modern understanding of this remarkable country. Now there is a second more up to date source and that is Henry Kissinger. The former Secretary of State who is now 88 years fortunately has taken the time to put together this incredible piece of work that only he could have created.

The book demonstrates the necessity of having lived a very long productive life and generating wisdom capable of distilling his understanding of a country down to a 530 page volume of work. It is as good as any of his previous works (13 with this one) and for my money I now put this book in Kissinger's top three, along with WHITE HOUSE YEARS and DIPLOMACY.

First the MECHANICS of the Book

If you are going to read the hard copy as opposed to digital, you are in for a treat. The font is beautiful, and the paper used to print the volume is delicious. I say this because if you are a heavy reader; you really appreciate turning the pages of beautifully textured pages. I annotate all of my books, writing in margins, in the back on blank pages and just about everywhere, and I love writing on beautiful page that take the ink nicely. This book was crafted professionally as good as it gets.

The ORGANIZATION of On China

The Secretary has made 40 trips to China in his lifetime, enough that he should be the Honorary Ambassador to the country. He is thoroughly infused in the history of China, and he certainly does give you the history. There are 18 chapters plus an epilogue spread over 531 pages. There are 36 pages of footnotes and it is obvious that the Secretary had considerable organizational help with the footnotes which is to be expected.
The first three chapters or 91 pages are devoted to the nation's history and Kissinger gets it right. I have made many trips to China, but I still have problems with the language. When you read any book on China, you will have problems with pronunciation. What I do is quickly scan the book writing down 50 or a 100 names or terms I can't pronounce, and then head for the first Chinese restaurant in town, and ask for help with the words. People love to help, especially when you are taking an interest in their culture and language.

The guts of the book begins on page 91 or Chapter 4 which is Mao's Continuous Revolution. This chapter is superb and superbly written. If you study American China relations, the question that is always stipulated is whether or not America lost China in 1949. Kissinger correctly reminds us that China might never have been ours to lose, so we asking the wrong question.

Mao always believed that the Confucian order had for thousands of years kept China a weak China. Confucius preached HARMONY, and Mao believed that progress could only come from brutal confrontations both in China and with outside adversaries for China to advance. Mao also believed that these confrontations would happen naturally, but if they did not, he was not beyond creating confrontations even if they had to be within the Communist party to kept progress going, as he understood progress.

Chapter 6 which deals with China Confronts Both Superpowers is another section that only Kissinger could have written. It is here that China confronts the Soviet Union creating the Sino-Soviet split, and the United States with the Taiwan Strait Crisis. The chapter is riveting, and will affect and change your understanding of history.

MY ANALYSIS

The book is indispensible. You cannot understand China and modern Asia without having this book under your belt. One would have to be foolish to visit China and not read this book first to truly benefit from such a trip. Mao was famous for the Long March, and this book is a long journey for the reader but it is very rewarding. The Secretary takes us through the Road to Reconciliation in Chapter 8, and then the first encounters with Nixon, himself and the Chinese leadership in Chapter 9.

It is a fascinating portrayal of power meeting power head to head, and the respect that even enemies can hold for each other. It is now generally accepted that only Nixon the hardened right winger could have opened the door to China and brought the American people along with him, because he Nixon was viewed as tough. Perhaps in a decade or two, Harvard will accept what most historians have already accepted.

In Chapter 11 we witness the End of the Mao Era. Zhou Enlai falls and Deng's first return to power begins. Kissinger loves writing about Deng and calls him the indestructible Deng throughout chapter 12. Keep in mind that it was Deng who opened up modern China and began the reforms that were necessary for China to assert itself years later internationally and economically.

For those readers that know very little of China, this book is a whirlwind tour of a country fast gaining hegemony over Asia. You need to read Chapter 13 on the Third Viet Nam to understand how China is capable of dealing with its neighbors. Had we handled Viet Nam this way, the outcome and history would have been different.

CONCLUSION:

Henry Kissinger ON CHINA is destined to become a best seller and in the process will greatly help an America that knows very little about China except for newspapers, to understand not just the history of this vital country, but its future and the nexus of that future with America's future. No one can ignore China, so the sooner we as Americans gain the understanding that we need to make intelligent decisions, the better off we will all be. If you have an interest in China whatsoever, run to read this book, and do not put it down until you are finished with it. Good luck and thank you for reading this review.

Richard C. Stoyeck

ASSIDE:

I will share something extraordinary with you. When you read a book like this, you will have a better understanding of China than 98% of the people living in China and 95% of the Chinese people living in America. I am still shocked when I meet Chinese people in this country young and old who have next to no understanding of Chinese history prior to Mao. They do not know the name Sun Yat-sen, or even Zhou Enlai, and forget about the Cultural Revolution unless they lived through it. Even the tragedy of Tiananmen Square is fast fading from memory.

It reminds me of German history in the post Hitler period. Anybody in Germany who was educated post 1950 has very little to no understanding of the Hitler period. It is simply glossed over as a dark period in German history; the teachers do not know what to say. Just amazing.

"On China" by Dr. Henry Kissinger is a non-fiction book in which the famous states­man recounts and advises on the future of Chi­nese diplo­macy with the west.

Dr. Henry Kissinger writes at length about the coun­try he has known for decades. Recount­ing Chi­nese his­tory and cul­ture, Kissinger exam­ines how China sees itself and the out­side world.

Dr. Kissinger exam­ines key episodes in Chi­nese for­eign pol­icy, from hun­dreds of years ago to cur­rent events with empha­sis on the rise of Mao Zedong.

One of the things which always fas­ci­nates me when it comes to polit­i­cal books is how deci­sions are made behind closed doors, the diplo­macy, arm twist­ing and walk­ing on tight wires which are the bane of for­eign pol­icy makes around the world. In his book "On China", Dr. Kissinger explains some of this process which I find so fascinating.

The book, which draws exten­sively from Dr. Kissinger's per­sonal expe­ri­ence, starts with an intro­duc­tion to ancient Chi­nese cul­ture and for­eign pol­icy. Chi­nese cul­ture has a lot of bear­ing on the Chi­nese diplo­mats' way of think­ing and state­craft. As Dr. Kissinger found out, that was the key to under­stand­ing and nego­ti­at­ing with the Chinese.

I enjoyed read­ing this book and get­ting, what seems to me, insight­ful and insider's infor­ma­tion. How­ever, this is one tough book to read. Lots of infor­ma­tion is thrown the reader's way, many nuances and names are being recalled, all the while ref­er­enc­ing thou­sands of years of Chi­nese his­tory which cul­mi­nates at the nego­ti­a­tions table.

Dr. Kissinger writes about the Chi­nese insti­tu­tions and the think­ing of Chi­nese diplo­mats when cre­at­ing pol­icy from ear­lier encoun­ters with Euro­pean pow­ers, the rise of com­mu­nism in the Soviet Union and to the break­down of that alliance. Mr. Kissinger man­ages to tackle sen­si­tive sub­ject like the Korean War and the Tianan­men Square crack­down through ele­gant writ­ing explain­ing US-Chino rela­tions. As an added bonus, Dr. Kissinger ana­lyzes Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaop­ing, two of the People's Repub­lic most engag­ing fig­ures and com­pares their vision for China's future.

The book fol­lows the diplo­macy tri­als, errors and suc­cess while break­ing many myths which until now only priv­i­leged diplo­mats were aware of. A fas­ci­nat­ing book which I felt priv­i­leged to read.

I just got my hardcover copy of Henry Kissenger's newly published On China (Penguin). I enjoyed the NY Times excerpts on Saturday and ordered the book at once from the store. I am sure I will enjoy the reading; but I am disappointed in the plain design of the cover and jacket. And where are the full-color, fold-out maps needed to understand China's place in the world? It is not your fault, the store, but who else can I blame?

Why is it that cookbooks, books on art and architecture, and coffee-table books are beautifully illustrated and often innovatively bound but that even the most important nonfiction works show little of the bookbinder's and book designer's crafts? I gladly would pay a 50% premium for the same book in a premium edition.

If we can have Kindle and other digital editions that are stripped bare of all but the words, can we not have something else that looks good on the shelf, is fun to touch, and makes a handsome gift? McLuhan was mostly right, "The medium is the message." On China may be seen by many as an important book, even a valuable book; too bad it is not a beautiful book.

Perhaps this explains why I can not read my Kindle unless it has on its red, Moroccan leather jacket.

Reading On China brought back memories of the Nixon years, those winters and summers of our discontent that straddled the 1960's and 70's. Henry Kissinger, as national security adviser and then secretary of state, spent much of that time toasting foreign leaders, zipping back and forth across the globe, bending the president's ear, and occasionally expressing a wish that he should be president himself. The author of a long line of books, Mr. Kissinger maintains a prodigious output of words, a decades-long logorrhea that focuses on foreign affairs, but also covers history, culture, and religion. He shows great insight and a comprehensive grasp of international relations, all the while adhering to his pragmatic realpolitik approach. The book is well written, well organized, occasionally pedantic, but usually quite engaging. I hesitate to say this of a serious work that runs 530 pages, but it is a fairly entertaining read. Kissinger provides perspective and insight into the enigmatic nation that is rising in power just as rapidly as the US is falling.

From the first run-on sentence of the prologue to the last sonorous snippet of final advice, this book is a lengthy, detail heavy and ultimately revealing study of American foreign relations during the past 60 years. The author was a witness to some of the central events of that relationship, during the Nixon and Ford administrations, and although he was shut out by Jimmy Carter, he maintains a presence in those relations even now. His recollections of personal conversations, based upon his own notes, constitutes a valuable source for historians, and an educational experience for all readers.

The first time that I met Henry Kissinger, he seemed completely out of his element. Engaged in a mundane domestic task in a suburban Boston neighborhood, he seemed to be in discomfort, obvious even to a seven year old like me. Ironically, he would soon be putting foreign dignitaries at ease with his wit and charm. My father told us that he was a "Harvard professor," a phrase spoken with derision and dismissal. The neighbors were shocked when he became a national figure. Little did we guess that the diminutive figure with the old world demeanor and rumpled business suit harbored a sizeable intellect, a mighty pen, and an even more sizeable ego. The ego still comes through in his writing, but the benefits of this book far outweigh the minor drawbacks. I recommend it to all who want to understand China better. I believe that it will become essential reading for those who will have to deal with China, a group which includes just about everyone.

Dr. Kissinger has had personal experience with four generations of Chinese leaders, as well as building an appreciation of its long history. His "On China" primarily covers China's initial encounters between China and modern European powers, the breakdown of its alliance with Russia, rationale behind and its involvement in the Korean War, and President Nixon's historic trip to Beijing. The book is an attempt to explain differences in how the Chinese both view themselves as an exceptional civilization (cultural; non--applicable to other nations) and think about foreign and military strategy, vs. the U.S. (God-given, with an obligation to spread to others). Most of "On China" consists of a readable, but detailed history of China, along with how those events have shaped its leaders. Kissinger's historical accounting begins with with Confucius, and goes on to also summarize the forced opening of China by Great Britain and other 'barbarians,' Japanese and Russian occupation, Mao's takeover and creation of continual chaos, reclaiming former boundaries (India, Tibet, Inner Mongolia; crises over Taiwan), rationale for Sino-U.S. rapprochement, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, and China's subsequent healing and economic resurgence initiated and led by Deng Xiaoping.

Early China was plagued by internecine conflict that threatened the empire's sustainability. Confucius (551 B.C.- 479 B.C.), an itinerant philosopher largely ignored in his lifetime, provided the 'glue' that has both kept the empire together since, while uniting its people, and providing much of Asia's 'state religion.' Expertise in Confucian thought became the key to advancement after the Han Dynasty (206 B.C. - A.D. 220) adopted Confucius' thinking. In doing so, the State assumed a moral obligation to provide virtue and harmony, and its people took on an obligation to obey the state as well as honor their ancestors and emphasize learning.

Between 1405-1433, China's Admiral Zheng sent out a fleet of large, technically advanced ships to Africa, the Middle East, India, and other closer locales. The fleet's size, number of vessels, and sophistication dwarfed that of the Spanish Armada that was created 150-years later. The purpose of the voyages is unclear to historians, and the next Emperor ordered the fleet destroyed, along with Zheng's records of those voyages. The expeditions were never repeated. More significantly, withdrawal from Western nations limited access to new ideas and led to China being physically and economically dominated by others from the mid-1800s until the 1990s - its 'Century of Humiliation.' (China's share of the world's GDP was about 25% in 1500, grew to approximately 30% in 1820, and fell to about 4% in 1950.) Deng's re-opening China's economy in 1979 brought China back - it is now the world's #2 economy and expected to become #1 in about 15 years, based on purchasing-power parity.

As an aside, Kissinger also notes that China's turbulent history has taught its leaders that not every problem has a solution, and that too great an emphasis on total mastery over specific events could upset world harmony. Important lessons that the U.S. could benefit from.

Keys to understanding China: 1)Confucianism - a single universal standard of conduct and social cohesion. 2)Sun Tzu - outsmarting an opponent = good, conflict = bad. 3)China's recent history of humiliation. 4)Fear of social disorder.

Human-rights activists will not be satisfied with Kissinger's lack of umbrage on human rights in China - especially regarding Mao; realists, however, will recognize that the passage of time, China's rapid economic improvement and Confucian history make the topic much less important to the Chinese. Those more sardonic will simply note that Kissinger's firm does extensive business in China and he does not want to risk that. Kissinger also does not cover China's newly acquired economic power vs. the U.S. via its extensive holding of U.S. debt, our recent loss of respect due to the 'Great Recession' and our loss of manufacturing leadership. Regardless, "On China" is essential reading; it also clearly demonstrates why Dr. Kissinger is renowned among foreign policy experts.

I feel extremely fascinated and highly excited by reading this book. I must say that this book is the first and grandest work in telling the world the ideas and the historic processes and events that lead to the China policy established almost 40 years ago. For that, I believe, Dr. Henry Kissinger deserves gratitude and admiration from the people of both Countries. Dr. Kissinger, as one of the original architect and creator of the said policy, earned his place in history and the rightly honor to set the record straight. This book deserves the gratitude and admiration as well. It is my strong believe and conviction that Dr. Kissinger has been acted ingeniously and honorably, and has been having the highest and best interest of the United States in his mind and his heart every step on this historic journey. We should thank him for his life's work, as well as this book of his.

To make my review readable for most audiences (also simpler to write for myself), I will limit myself to point out who may find this book useful and interesting in the following. To save space and time, I will not repeat what is in this book, since there have been enough reviews and reports in the popular media that have explained the contents of the book (such as a considerable part of the book is authors understanding of Chinese history and its relation to this China policy).

Firstly, the students of history, political sciences, and foreign policies, and future diplomats may find this book a must in their educations and career. It goes without saying that anyone who wishes to have the details still have to search through the Government documents, and it is impossible to include such details in just one book. However, this book serves the purpose of pre-lecture for pre-practitioners, just like the one given to interns before their actually entering an ER and watching a surgery.

The future U.S. politicians, (by politicians I mean career politicians who really wish to make a difference in practice, not those tongue-running wannabes who only care about running their tongues on something they do not even understand) might also find this book an eye-opener. They could start to learn, from the Master himself, how THINGS ARE DONE IN PRACTICE, no matter whether they agree with the policy or not.

For businessmen doing (or will be doing) business in China, they might get inspired to learn some Chinese history, and Wei qi (the game Go). If they have interest and the time, they might even find refreshing in having contacts with some ordinary Chinese people, as General Stilwell did almost a hundred years ago when he traveled through the mudded horse-pulled carts road. They are generally optimistic, friendly towards the foreigners, and easy going. It is also a fact that just few decades ago China still had problem feeding its own people, so you would see the changes first hand. As Dr. Kissinger explained, the Wei qi actually emphasizes on "shi" (I thought the best interpretation in English is "influence"), not immediate gains or losses. It simply says that you have to have your presence to have your influence and thereby your (possible) gains (hopefully not losses). Of course, the key is: what kind of presence and where to place it, and I think that is captalism-101. The original US China policy has had thick flavor of Wei qi in it. As we already knew now that the Gang of Four strongly opposed this act and did their worst to derail it, with the reason: Opposing the Western "Influence". So read it from the US side, the success of opening China has been a success in enormously expanding US influence in China as well in the globe. This is a fact, although as pragmatic diplomats / politicians they do not have to brag about it themselves, those retarded politicians (and /or wannabes) should not have forgotten it.

For those who cherish the memory of the history for this US China policy, you may find this book a treasure in your library without question.

For other people who might be interested in this book, I can tell them that this is an honest work, and this is not some propaganda by some lowest class politicians (or wannabes) for the purpose of running for office, or make money or make themselves famous. Simply put it: READ THIS BOOK, AND YOU WILL NOT BE LIED TO.

Finally, I have to point out that Dr. Kissinger has addressed the issue of possible conflict between the two Countries in his book, and possible scenarios that could lead to such conflict. However, those are the questions that every President must face and must do his/her own job to resolve as they are elected by the people to do so.

I welcome any criticism and/or corrections on my possible omissions and/or mistakes of my views given above.

luckily for the chinese china was to big to treat like chile or any of the small central american countries. when writing about anything kissinger carries a lot of baggage. was china a distraction for the failed policies of viet nam? this definitely has henry's bias.

Kissinger's views of China were cast in stone during the 1950s and 1960s. He was a player on the stage from the late 1960s to the mid 1970s. His name can still open doors, but I'm at a loss to know what he can tell anyone about China today. The book is obsessed with Mao and with the idea of Chinese Culture being responsible for every decision in China as opposed to individuals being responsible. That "culture" view was popular in the old days when China was effectively closed to the west and the only means of analysis available was culture. But those days are gone.

Kissinger as usual heaps praise on Mao and delivers all sorts of pro-Mao spin. But there is nothing new in what he says on those subjects.

The worst part of the book is undoubtibly the coverage of the 1979 China-Vietnam War. Kissinger inexplicably wants to see that war as a turning point in the cold war and a strategic victory. From his point view, a response less than war with China by the Soviet Union in 1979 was a victory for China. This is in spite of the fact that the Chinese incursion into vietnam was a costly embarrsing failure that the Vietnamese beat to a halt mostly on their own.

He also claims that the war was caused by reasons similar to those that led the US into the Vietnam War. There are things said in the chapter on Vietnam that defy any sort of reason. As an example, Kissinger claims the was negotiating a deal with the Chinese for a cambodian colialition government including Lon Nol, Pol Pot and Sihanouk. That the deal was designed to keep Vietnam out of Cambodia and that it not happening was the fault of the US Congress. Or how about the claim that China saw the hand of the Soviet Union in the Iranian Revolution.

Best of all, he has the Chinese leadership attacking the Carter Administration for its weakness toward the Soviet Union. Trade agreements, Arms Control and efforts at peace in the middle east were all bad policy. A vague statmeent about Palestinians supposedly encouraged soviet influence in the middle east (called Europe's flank by Kissinger), undermined our strong ally Sadat and put world energy supplies in danger. He also explains the limits of American Relpolitik which was apparently outright military aid for the Khmer Rouge against Vietnam.

By the tone of the book, Kissinger now sees the US alliance with China as his best shot at an untainted legacy. And he sees the China-Vietnam war as his lever to claim a share of responsiblity for the fall of the Soviet Union.

There is also extensive coverage of the reform era in China. But its more a history of how Kissinger sees himself as the key player in the reform era in China. This is somewhat par for the course for the author.

The only value I can see in this book is that its author is still influential and the book is a window into what he is thinking. The book is by degrees an exercise in egotism, vanity and self-delusion.

If you look at the latest iPhone or the latest iMac, the number of boards to be placed and soldered by hand inside is now only 4. It used to be 40. I can understand running to China to solder 40 things inside a tight enclosure. But the next iPhone 5 and the next iMacs will have 2 robot made parts that need to be put into place by hand. Now at one point you can hire American workers to position 2 boards at $ 20 an hour. Yes the Chinese work for $ 2 an hour, but to position 2 boards is not that much labor.

The boards each hold many components, but they are all robot placed. The labor is to position 2 boards inside an enclosure.

Similarly technology is moving in many other products, PCs, cameras, etc., to have 1 or 2 machine assembled boards. At one point transportation across the world, the difficult communication with the language barrier, the jetlag time difference will bring the work back to America.

I believe a lot of assembly currently performed in China is really a historical extension of the fact that the previous model had so many parts that it made a lot of sense to make it so far away. The gadget I manufacture used to have over 100 parts to place by hand. Now it has 4. I still make it in China, but transportation has gone up. Soon, when electronics become an enclosure and 1 chip inside, the fear of Americans to actually put two things together will wean. We need a business friendly environment where businesses can procure capital.

Similarly, advances in battery design even currently make it that electric cars can travel 80 miles daily on one charge. That would satisfy 90% of commuters. A USA policy to reward electric cars to be purchased would dramatically reduce the need for oil imports.

In 10 years both issues will have been solved, and American innovation will reign supreme. I've been working with Chinese factories 20 years, they are wonderful people, but God help them they have no creativity at all. They are hard working and order takers supreme. Not once in 20 years did they suggest one improvement in the products we make. No suggestions. No manufacturing or marketing creativity. If technology is able to be applied towards simplifying the internals of our products (and I see that happening fast), at one point the simpler design can be made in USA, saving transportation and communication.

This point is now in my opinion the heart of the matter. Historical perspective is one thing. The fact that we hire the Chinese to make everything is based on savings. Technology has moved. If the political climate will allow USA companies to hire Americans without the ineficiency of taxes and unions, work can be performed here.

This lengthy tome is worth slogging through just to better understand how exactly we got to a place where a despotic, communist regime is about to eclipse the US economically and challenge us militarily. Mr. Kissinger should be ashamed rather than smug, but like so many he actually doesn't seem to get it.

When you are done, try "Death by China" (Navarro and Autry) for a sobering dose of reality. Its no where near as fancy or wordy, but it is a lot more connected to reality.
Death by China: Confronting the Dragon - A Global Call to Action

After that try Paul Midler's "Poorly Made in China" to better understand the details of how we are being cheated and sometimes poisoned.
Poorly Made in China: An Insider's Account of the China Production Game

Finally, Baiqiao Tang and Damon DiMarco's "My Two China's" will wake you up if you've been under the spell that China dictators are benevolent.
My Two Chinas: The Memoir of a Chinese Counter-Revolutionary

God save us all.

For people who have some knowledge of China, the book is of NO interest. Other books by James Mann (About Face), Jonathan Fenby, not to forget Spence (In Search of Modern China), are clearly superior.
Kissinger's admiration for Mao is a disgrace. Mao was a murderer! and Kissinger's repetitions admiration for China's civiliztion is non-sence. Over the centuries, China has been a mess, with short periods of success, but mostly calamities. Because of its size, China should have been a success, but it is not. Japan was must faster on its feet! China's isolation was a huge mistake. It is only recently, thanks to Deng and Western support, that China at last is emerging!
Kissinger acknowledges that China has always played one "barbarian" against the other. It is very true but he does not draw any conclusion. To-day China is gaming both Europe and America: Just look at the "free" transfer of thechnology. The West is stupid and we should unite ton face China...
The last point is Climate Change. To write about China and not discuss the catastrophic impact of climate change, is a major failure of the book. China - and Asia - will be destroyed by climate change.
The combination of bad governance, corruption, and climate change is DEADLY. It is a Chinese and Asian disease.

This book on China-US foreign relations, by America's iconic 20th century diplomat Henry Kissinger, is revealing as it is indulgent. Kiss~ is a proclaimed proponent of realpolitik, the pragmatic approach pioneered in the "Art of War". Steeped in ancient lore and modern myth, he is seemingly a sinophile as well. Invested in his personal legacy, he is drawn by historical gravity towards the inevitable return of the Middle Kingdom. From Three Kingdoms he quotes: "The empire long divided must unite".

In a lighting tour of China's past Kiss~ touches on the secular wisdom of Confucius, military philosophy of Sun Tzu, wei qi board game strategies and Ming methods of barbarian management. 19th century imperial catastrophes such as the Opium Wars and the Boxer Rebellion put an end to the Qing Dynasty's heavenly mandate by 1912. The Nationalist remnants of Republican China, too weak to win in WWII, lose the civil war to the Communists in 1949 and are exiled to Taiwan.

Kiss~ turns a reverent and awestruck gaze towards Mao, the "poet and warrior, prophet" and founder of the new empire. In Mao's thought the past needs to be obliterated to usher in the future. In dialectical opposition to Confucius, rather than restoring a lost order, Mao will fulfill a coming destiny by inciting social and political disorder. Haunted by a prior century of humiliation, Mao stands up to the world, no longer European or Japanese imperialists, but now the Americans and Soviets.

A three-way power play begins, as the USA and USSR triangulate with the People's Republic. North Korea's Kim, poised on his 38th parallel perch since '45, invites Stalin and Mao be part of his dream. Assured of Taiwan Mao balks but Stalin assents, in order to drive a wedge between the Chinese and Americans. Stalin admonishes Kim: "If you get kicked in the teeth, I won't raise a finger. You'll have to ask Mao for help." Maybe a million died, yet the Kim dynasty and DMZ persist until this day.

So on it goes, this cold war game, and where it stops nobody knows. From Kiss~ we learn that LBJ misread Mao, and was fooled into fighting the Soviet backed Vietcong. Kiss~ might have saved the day, if not for Vietnamization and carpet bombing Cambodia. In detente and rapprochement we sense the Tao of Kiss~ at work, while Nixon whispers from behind: "the ideas were all mine". Kiss~ advises Deng on how to lead China's reform, and doesn't complain about the Tiananmen storm.

Kiss~ invests in a joint venture with the Communist Party, as Mao rolls over in his crystal coffin. Kiss~ is now honored as an "Old Friend of the Chinese People". This is one of the few recent books that show Mao as he was, a man capable of leading China from ruin to world power (and a geopolitical opponent worthy of Kiss~). It's a self gratifying but lengthy tale, as told by our venerable emissary to Peking. A word of caution, like Caesar in Gaul, this missive is best to be read with care.


I had the honor, many years ago in a previous life, of spending several hours in conversation (mostly his!) with Dr. K and two other “corporate types” in the cabin of a corporate jet enroute to a conference in the Caribbean and my memory of the ponderous way he expressed himself almost caused me to miss the thrill of this magnificent work. His writing was a thrilling surprise...readable, conversational (almost), educational and thought provoking. Highly recommended.