John Quincy Adams
ByHarlow Giles Unger★ ★ ★ ★ ★ | |
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆ | |
★ ★ ★ ☆ ☆ | |
★ ★ ☆ ☆ ☆ | |
★ ☆ ☆ ☆ ☆ |
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Readers` Reviews
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
siavash
Great informative and very enjoyable reading! I heard Mr. Unger when he was interviewed on NPR on October 1. His enthusiasm for his subject led me to download the book. Biographies have always been my favorite read, and this is surely no disappointment. I am very glad I was listening to NPR that day.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
joy mims
It is a historical story well written, the language was proper for the time it happened. I read this book several times and can read it again and again. I like to order similar books about presidents and history.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
nancy ellefson
Thoroughly enjoyed this book. What a guy! Spoke six languages?! Unger gave an interesting feel
for the era...it wasn't as foreign as so many historical pieces can be. Adams had a brilliant mind.
Would not campaign??? What a refreshing concept!
'
for the era...it wasn't as foreign as so many historical pieces can be. Adams had a brilliant mind.
Would not campaign??? What a refreshing concept!
'
John: The Gospel of Light and Life (John series) :: All You Need to Make Great Food--With 1,000 Photos :: The Unexpected Everything :: Everything Explained for the Professional Pilot 12th Edition :: Malazan Book of the Fallen - Book 8 - Toll the Hounds
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
heather rempe
Great read about perhaps our most talented and yet most unappreciated early leaders. Could have been one of our most successful President's, but couldn't help but see some parallels with the politics of today that undermined his effectiveness.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
ginger taylor
I think that John Quincy Adams would have enjoyed the company of the author of this fine book. His work is an intimate journey through the life of an important man. I wonder if he had access to his diaries? It takes real academic grit to put together a book like this. John Quincy Adams suffered some terrible personal losses of family members. I wanted to know more about how he dealt with those losses. I will now seek to read another of his six Presidential books.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
meg perry
I enjoyed reading this book which is the first biography of JQA I have read. The writing is engaging and portrays JQA sympathetically. Most of the book deals with his early diplomatic adventures, but offers very little discussion of his presidency. The author really hits his stride describing JQA's post-presidential career. There is little analysis, just straight forward narrative history. I'd recommend the book to readers who are looking for a general introduction to JQA.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
alga biru
Well written account of a very accomplished and well-intentioned individual. Unfortunately, during the most important time of his career (the Presidency), he was unable to relate to the American population outside the educated elite of the Eastern U.S.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
lector
The center of the critical and forgotten antebellum period of 1820 to 1850. I quickly went on to read
Auguring about Slavery by William Lee Miller. The combination is ten stars. The Adams family is a treasure to this country .
Auguring about Slavery by William Lee Miller. The combination is ten stars. The Adams family is a treasure to this country .
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
muse8
I appreciate a book that enlightens me on every page. Before I read this bio, I knew very little about JQA. Unger's style made for pleasant, informative reading, and the book provided all the info I wanted from an introductory study. If you are already a JQA scholar, this bio might not be for you, but for my purposes, it was brilliant and perfect. I have recommended it to several friends and family members whose literary tastes and appreciation of history I respect.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
lauren
JQA arrived in new condition unlike its used product description. Inside reveals a true patriot spanning many years and presidents. This is a great book that brings much insight into his era of service to our fledgling country.
★ ★ ★ ☆ ☆
mostafa el ashmawy
This is a suitable biography for one who simply wants the basic facts of the complex life and career of John Quincy Adams. However it is a perversion of the language to call this history book "magisterial."
Those who are interested in the second president Adams should consider laying their hands on a copy of "The Diary of John Quincy Adams: 1794-1845" as edited by Allan Nevins and reprinted in one-volume in 1969.
I also highly recommend a 2010 book by Michael O'Brien entitled "Mrs. Adams in Winter: A Journey in the Last Days of Napoleon."
Those who are interested in the second president Adams should consider laying their hands on a copy of "The Diary of John Quincy Adams: 1794-1845" as edited by Allan Nevins and reprinted in one-volume in 1969.
I also highly recommend a 2010 book by Michael O'Brien entitled "Mrs. Adams in Winter: A Journey in the Last Days of Napoleon."
★ ★ ★ ☆ ☆
rose gowen
The author has put together a very readable account of JQ Adams but somewhat like a Hollywood movie based actual events, liberties are taken with the facts.
I would recommend the book as an introduction to JQ Adams and as an overview, so long as the reader understands to keep a salt shaker nearby. I offer a few examples from the text.
E.g., Unger claims that soldiers set Moscow ablaze. It is unclear how Moscow caught fire; it could have been careless French soldiers quartering there or citizens that stayed behind after most of the citizenry had fled. Unger says the Russian troops set Moscow "afire leaving nothing but smoldering ashes for the French army to plunder when it marched in." Possibly Russian troops started the fire although the timing isn't quite right; the troops were not in the city when the fire took hold.
Also, when describing Napoleon's retreat, he gives too much credit to the actions of the Russian army, suggesting that the Russian army was actively engaging the French army during the retreat. Mostly it dogged the troops to keep them retreating along the same path they used into Russia, so that there would be little left to still pillage to support the French army.
In a hand wave of a reference to Catharine the Great of Russia, Unger describes her having only a pretense at liberalism, a view at odds with most historical accounts. It's not that Unger should be prohibited from expressing a view, but when it is controversial, he should at least say so.
He states that "Hail Columbia" predated "The Star Spangled Banner" as the USA national anthem. It might have been popular but that's not quite the same thing as being recognized as the national anthem. Part of what led to the action to declare a national anthem was the recognition early in the last century that the USA lacked one.
Unger suggests that George Washington University was the result of George Washington's action. That's partly true but a bit misleading. Washington bequeathed stock to endow a national university ("I give and bequeath in perpetuity the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company. . . ") but the transportation canal company stock was worthless long before Congress got around to acting and only the idea survived, brought back to light by JQ Adams. Congress chartered but did not fund or become otherwise involved with the University. While dropping Washington's name was helpful for JQ Adams to press Congress to action, it isn't needed to impress the reader in a purportedly historical account.
In other places Unger makes swift bold statements lauding JQ Adams's merit, exaggerating JQ Adams's involvement or role. That makes for more exciting reading but in the end it is a bit of a shame; JQ Adams life didn't need the high gloss top coat which tends to hamper our honest view of it.
I would recommend the book as an introduction to JQ Adams and as an overview, so long as the reader understands to keep a salt shaker nearby. I offer a few examples from the text.
E.g., Unger claims that soldiers set Moscow ablaze. It is unclear how Moscow caught fire; it could have been careless French soldiers quartering there or citizens that stayed behind after most of the citizenry had fled. Unger says the Russian troops set Moscow "afire leaving nothing but smoldering ashes for the French army to plunder when it marched in." Possibly Russian troops started the fire although the timing isn't quite right; the troops were not in the city when the fire took hold.
Also, when describing Napoleon's retreat, he gives too much credit to the actions of the Russian army, suggesting that the Russian army was actively engaging the French army during the retreat. Mostly it dogged the troops to keep them retreating along the same path they used into Russia, so that there would be little left to still pillage to support the French army.
In a hand wave of a reference to Catharine the Great of Russia, Unger describes her having only a pretense at liberalism, a view at odds with most historical accounts. It's not that Unger should be prohibited from expressing a view, but when it is controversial, he should at least say so.
He states that "Hail Columbia" predated "The Star Spangled Banner" as the USA national anthem. It might have been popular but that's not quite the same thing as being recognized as the national anthem. Part of what led to the action to declare a national anthem was the recognition early in the last century that the USA lacked one.
Unger suggests that George Washington University was the result of George Washington's action. That's partly true but a bit misleading. Washington bequeathed stock to endow a national university ("I give and bequeath in perpetuity the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company. . . ") but the transportation canal company stock was worthless long before Congress got around to acting and only the idea survived, brought back to light by JQ Adams. Congress chartered but did not fund or become otherwise involved with the University. While dropping Washington's name was helpful for JQ Adams to press Congress to action, it isn't needed to impress the reader in a purportedly historical account.
In other places Unger makes swift bold statements lauding JQ Adams's merit, exaggerating JQ Adams's involvement or role. That makes for more exciting reading but in the end it is a bit of a shame; JQ Adams life didn't need the high gloss top coat which tends to hamper our honest view of it.
★ ★ ★ ☆ ☆
reagan
The biographer does not examine the Spirtual side of JQA's extraordinary life of destiny. Certainly in 51 volumes of his deepest insights, JQA must have realized his Oneness with the Universe and his purpose on Earth. His 4.5 hour oration before the Supreme Court without notes certainly needs more exploration by the author. What did JQA say in his journal about this extraordinary performance? At that day, if he had also not recognized it earlier, he channeled his purpose on Earth and fulfilled his Father's wish.
Recommend John Adams, by John McCullough as the first biography of the two. Both are chosen people in our early history and noteworthy examples of what it means to live a purposeful life.
Our book club club rated the book at 4:25 with four of eleven downgrading because of superficial coverage of the man himself, his physical and emotional being.
Recommend John Adams, by John McCullough as the first biography of the two. Both are chosen people in our early history and noteworthy examples of what it means to live a purposeful life.
Our book club club rated the book at 4:25 with four of eleven downgrading because of superficial coverage of the man himself, his physical and emotional being.
★ ★ ★ ☆ ☆
nessun
John Quincy seems to be a relatively unknown historical personage perhaps owing to his uninspired term as president or because he occupied the White House in a short interval between the Founding Fathers and the Jacksonians. This is a shame because he led a fascinating life and served the United States as long and as well as any public official in the history of the Republic. The oldest son of John Adams acted as secretary and interpreter for the first American ambassador to Russia at age 14. In his career, he was President, Senator, Secretary of State and ambassador to 6 European nations. Adams often demonstrated that his commitment to public service was more important than the title of his office. He was elected to the Massachusetts State Senate after being recalled from the Berlin Embassy and served for almost 20 years in the US Congress after leaving the White House. In all, John Quincy Adams served in government for two thirds of a century under 10 presidents (not including himself). He was appointed ambassador by Washington and ended his career working with in the House with Abe Lincoln. He served in Congress and the executive branch and turned down appointment to the Supreme Court. His 14,000 page diary covers a period from the Revolution to the eve of the Civil War. Harlow Giles Unger uses Adam's diary in writing this biography, referring to it as "the most complete personal, day-today record of events in the New World and the Old from the 1770s to the 1840s."
More impressive than the title of Adams' positions in government are his accomplishments especially in expanding the United States and in opposing slavery. He worked alone in the Federalist party to secure passage of the Louisiana Purchase and later organized the seizure/annexation of Florida for Monroe. He insured inclusion of an 150 mile strip of land from Washington to North Dakota in a treaty proposed by Madison. Adams also wrote the core provision in the Monroe Doctrine establishing the principle of American influence in South America.
On his first day in the House of Representatives, when most former Chief Executives would be retiring to their farms, Adams fearlessly challenged the Gag Rule which prohibited discussion about slavery. He waged war against the slavery in the Halls of Congress in diatribes that lasted hours and, in one case, parts of 15 days in a row. He died on the floor of the House of Representatives.
Adams watched the Battle of Bunker Hill when he was 7 years old and was chased at sea by the British Navy at 10. He explored Finland and Sweden ("the land of lovely dames" according to John Quincy) as a teenager until recalled to duty by his father. A translator of German literature, Adams was called the "father of German studies in America." He was both aspiring poet and President of the American Bible Society. Professor of Oratory at Harvard, driving force behind establishment of the Smithsonian and supporter of the construction of astronomical observatories, Adams emerged, after his failure as president, "as one of the most celebrated and beloved personages in the Western World." When Charles Dickens visited America, he dined with Adams and asked for his autograph.
The strength of Unger's biography is that it covers this vast amount of material in only 300 pages. That is also the weakness of the book as the author rushes through some critical periods. Adams' presidency for example is covered in just 20 pages. The first quarter of the book is devoted to Adams life to age 27, at which time he is appointed minister to Holland and becomes "an independent man at last." Similar attention could have been given to the rest of his career which would have greatly expanded this volume. This lack of complete analysis becomes most obvious when Unger describes Adams as "out of touch" as chief executive. Adams' proposals as president are ridiculed and rejected and the federal government grinds to a halt as he refuses to lead or to fight back. Unger attributes part of this to Adams cold, forbidding, intellectual approach to problems and quotes Adams referring to himself as "a silent animal." This failure on Adams part is hard to understand in Unger's treatment since these very social skills had contributed to his great success as a diplomat.
The conflict between his success in other areas and failure as president as well as the strange combination of strengths and weaknesses in this man needs much deeper treatment than is provided by the author.
For the reader who wants an introduction to John Quincy Adams, however, Unger's book fills the need. The author has demonstrated though that Adams and the period of history in which he played such a large role is in need of a more serious and focused volume.
More impressive than the title of Adams' positions in government are his accomplishments especially in expanding the United States and in opposing slavery. He worked alone in the Federalist party to secure passage of the Louisiana Purchase and later organized the seizure/annexation of Florida for Monroe. He insured inclusion of an 150 mile strip of land from Washington to North Dakota in a treaty proposed by Madison. Adams also wrote the core provision in the Monroe Doctrine establishing the principle of American influence in South America.
On his first day in the House of Representatives, when most former Chief Executives would be retiring to their farms, Adams fearlessly challenged the Gag Rule which prohibited discussion about slavery. He waged war against the slavery in the Halls of Congress in diatribes that lasted hours and, in one case, parts of 15 days in a row. He died on the floor of the House of Representatives.
Adams watched the Battle of Bunker Hill when he was 7 years old and was chased at sea by the British Navy at 10. He explored Finland and Sweden ("the land of lovely dames" according to John Quincy) as a teenager until recalled to duty by his father. A translator of German literature, Adams was called the "father of German studies in America." He was both aspiring poet and President of the American Bible Society. Professor of Oratory at Harvard, driving force behind establishment of the Smithsonian and supporter of the construction of astronomical observatories, Adams emerged, after his failure as president, "as one of the most celebrated and beloved personages in the Western World." When Charles Dickens visited America, he dined with Adams and asked for his autograph.
The strength of Unger's biography is that it covers this vast amount of material in only 300 pages. That is also the weakness of the book as the author rushes through some critical periods. Adams' presidency for example is covered in just 20 pages. The first quarter of the book is devoted to Adams life to age 27, at which time he is appointed minister to Holland and becomes "an independent man at last." Similar attention could have been given to the rest of his career which would have greatly expanded this volume. This lack of complete analysis becomes most obvious when Unger describes Adams as "out of touch" as chief executive. Adams' proposals as president are ridiculed and rejected and the federal government grinds to a halt as he refuses to lead or to fight back. Unger attributes part of this to Adams cold, forbidding, intellectual approach to problems and quotes Adams referring to himself as "a silent animal." This failure on Adams part is hard to understand in Unger's treatment since these very social skills had contributed to his great success as a diplomat.
The conflict between his success in other areas and failure as president as well as the strange combination of strengths and weaknesses in this man needs much deeper treatment than is provided by the author.
For the reader who wants an introduction to John Quincy Adams, however, Unger's book fills the need. The author has demonstrated though that Adams and the period of history in which he played such a large role is in need of a more serious and focused volume.
★ ★ ☆ ☆ ☆
niloufar rahmanian
Adams life is quite a story, and Unger renders it in an entertaining fashion. But, there is a superficiality to it, and there are quite a number of errors. Unger has Benjamin Franklin Bache praising Adam regarding the Louisiana Purchase, when Bache had been dead already 3 or 4 years. He implies that John Adams wrote a letter to Jefferson during the latter's presidency, when it was written about a decade later. Concerning the pivotally unsuccessful impeachment of Samuel Chase, he ignores the extremely partisan behavior of Chase in presenting JQA as wonderfully high-minded. 1837 is typoed 1737. Unger says 275,000 American died in Lincoln's war, when it 750,000.
I enjoyed reading the book, but with so many mistakes obvious to a casual read, there are probably more.
I enjoyed reading the book, but with so many mistakes obvious to a casual read, there are probably more.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
thomas nicholson
Harlow Unger has deposited another fine biography from our nation's early years on the bookshelves of bookstores and libraries.
His subject casts a shadow almost as giant of those of the subjects boyhood heroes, whom he grew to know very well.
The tragedy of the life of John Quincy Adams, much like that of William Howard Taft, is that the Presidency was the low ebb of his life. Indeed, much like Taft 75 years in the future, Quincy may have been too good a man to inhabit this office. More likely, as the author deftly explains, is that Quincy's life of diplomacy had put him out of touch with the common man. He could not connect with his constituents, and his words and lofty ideals were too easily twisted and lost.
And yet Quincy emerged as one of the most influential Americans of our Nation's history. He became a warrior for freedom of all men, and carried the abolitionist fight to the Congress. In the process, he gained the respect of the American public he had never had as Chief Executive.
John Quincy Adams emerged as a courageous hero almost unmatched in scope in our history.
This is a well chronicled biography. Several others have come out recently about this giant figure. For those so disposed, this is a worthy read.
His subject casts a shadow almost as giant of those of the subjects boyhood heroes, whom he grew to know very well.
The tragedy of the life of John Quincy Adams, much like that of William Howard Taft, is that the Presidency was the low ebb of his life. Indeed, much like Taft 75 years in the future, Quincy may have been too good a man to inhabit this office. More likely, as the author deftly explains, is that Quincy's life of diplomacy had put him out of touch with the common man. He could not connect with his constituents, and his words and lofty ideals were too easily twisted and lost.
And yet Quincy emerged as one of the most influential Americans of our Nation's history. He became a warrior for freedom of all men, and carried the abolitionist fight to the Congress. In the process, he gained the respect of the American public he had never had as Chief Executive.
John Quincy Adams emerged as a courageous hero almost unmatched in scope in our history.
This is a well chronicled biography. Several others have come out recently about this giant figure. For those so disposed, this is a worthy read.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
jessica dainty
Excellent book.
I knew only a couple facts about John Quincy Adams before reading this book:
1. That he was the son of the second President to the United States; and
2. That he had traveled to Europe with his father at a very young age and was hired as an assistance to the ambassador to Russia; and
3. He became President of the United States in the hotly contested 1824 election that blocked the populist candidate Andrew Jackson when a back room deal was done that had the third candidate, Henry Clay, through his support behind Adams (and later Clay being appointed as Secretary of State which resulted in the appearance of a "Corrupt Bargain").
However, I knew little else of Mr. Adams life.
Unger story of Adams draw a picture of a complicated and conflicted individual. Adams life was prefixed by an extraordinary early life adventure and experience when his father brought him to Europe when he was sent to gain assistance from France during the Revolutionary War. No long after arrival in France the young Mr. Adams was asked to serve as the assistant to the new US Russia ambassador. John Quincy leaves his father and has the opportunity to travel much of Europe, where he learns multiple languages and meetings the who’s-who of the time (from the great thinkers to royalty). By the time the young Adams is 20 he has more world experience than most people today would have in a hundred life times.
This extraordinary early life experience impacted Adams for the rest of his life. Of course it opened many doors for him on his return to the United States and made him somewhat of a celebrity. However, it also greatly limited his ability to connect with common man. His presidency was largely a failure because he no idea how to influence the public while his 1824 election meniscus, Andrew Jackson, was a master of the common man and did not allow Adams any success before Jackson could run and beat Adams in 1828.
Never being able to find his way in the normal day-to-day working world of a lawyer, Adams was quickly drawn back into the politics where he joined the House of Representatives as member from Massachusetts. In this role Adams found the role that brought him happiness.
However, after all Adams life experiences, from his early world travels, to his role in the resolution of the war of 1812, to his life as a US President and Congressman it seems Adams took the most satisfaction in his role in the land mark court case to free the slaves from the Amistad. In 1839 the slaves were being transported from their home in Sierra Leone to the new world in the Spanish vessel named La Amistad. When the schooner was off the coast of Cuba the slaves rebelled and took control the ship. In the process the captain and another ship hand where killed. The slaves attempted to make their way back to Africa but were captured off Long Island, New York and imprisoned. The US lower courts ruled in favor of the slaves, but the US president Martin Van Buren pushed the case to the US Supreme court. Adams had always been a strong abolitionist so he was naturally attracted to argue in the defense of the slaves. The case allowed Adams to exercise his legal, oratory, analytical and political skills that he had acquired over a lifetime. To this day this case is still seen as one of the most important US Supreme Court civil rights cases.
In 1841 John Quincy Adams argued in front of the Supreme Court saying,
"They are here, individually, under very different circumstances, and in very different characters. Some are in one predicament, some in another. In some of the proceedings by which they have been brought into the custody and under the protection of this Court, thirty-two or three of them have been charged with the crime of murder. Three or four of them are female children, incapable, in the judgment of our laws, of the crime of murder or piracy, or, perhaps, of any other crime. Yet, from the day when the vessel was taken possession of by one of our naval officers, they have all been held as close prisoners, now for the period of eighteen long months, under custody and by authority of the Courts of the United States. I trust, therefore, that before the ultimate decision of this Court is established, its honorable members will pay due attention to the circumstances and condition of every individual concerned."
[source: [...]].
Unger’s book on the life of Adams was a total pleasure to read.
I knew only a couple facts about John Quincy Adams before reading this book:
1. That he was the son of the second President to the United States; and
2. That he had traveled to Europe with his father at a very young age and was hired as an assistance to the ambassador to Russia; and
3. He became President of the United States in the hotly contested 1824 election that blocked the populist candidate Andrew Jackson when a back room deal was done that had the third candidate, Henry Clay, through his support behind Adams (and later Clay being appointed as Secretary of State which resulted in the appearance of a "Corrupt Bargain").
However, I knew little else of Mr. Adams life.
Unger story of Adams draw a picture of a complicated and conflicted individual. Adams life was prefixed by an extraordinary early life adventure and experience when his father brought him to Europe when he was sent to gain assistance from France during the Revolutionary War. No long after arrival in France the young Mr. Adams was asked to serve as the assistant to the new US Russia ambassador. John Quincy leaves his father and has the opportunity to travel much of Europe, where he learns multiple languages and meetings the who’s-who of the time (from the great thinkers to royalty). By the time the young Adams is 20 he has more world experience than most people today would have in a hundred life times.
This extraordinary early life experience impacted Adams for the rest of his life. Of course it opened many doors for him on his return to the United States and made him somewhat of a celebrity. However, it also greatly limited his ability to connect with common man. His presidency was largely a failure because he no idea how to influence the public while his 1824 election meniscus, Andrew Jackson, was a master of the common man and did not allow Adams any success before Jackson could run and beat Adams in 1828.
Never being able to find his way in the normal day-to-day working world of a lawyer, Adams was quickly drawn back into the politics where he joined the House of Representatives as member from Massachusetts. In this role Adams found the role that brought him happiness.
However, after all Adams life experiences, from his early world travels, to his role in the resolution of the war of 1812, to his life as a US President and Congressman it seems Adams took the most satisfaction in his role in the land mark court case to free the slaves from the Amistad. In 1839 the slaves were being transported from their home in Sierra Leone to the new world in the Spanish vessel named La Amistad. When the schooner was off the coast of Cuba the slaves rebelled and took control the ship. In the process the captain and another ship hand where killed. The slaves attempted to make their way back to Africa but were captured off Long Island, New York and imprisoned. The US lower courts ruled in favor of the slaves, but the US president Martin Van Buren pushed the case to the US Supreme court. Adams had always been a strong abolitionist so he was naturally attracted to argue in the defense of the slaves. The case allowed Adams to exercise his legal, oratory, analytical and political skills that he had acquired over a lifetime. To this day this case is still seen as one of the most important US Supreme Court civil rights cases.
In 1841 John Quincy Adams argued in front of the Supreme Court saying,
"They are here, individually, under very different circumstances, and in very different characters. Some are in one predicament, some in another. In some of the proceedings by which they have been brought into the custody and under the protection of this Court, thirty-two or three of them have been charged with the crime of murder. Three or four of them are female children, incapable, in the judgment of our laws, of the crime of murder or piracy, or, perhaps, of any other crime. Yet, from the day when the vessel was taken possession of by one of our naval officers, they have all been held as close prisoners, now for the period of eighteen long months, under custody and by authority of the Courts of the United States. I trust, therefore, that before the ultimate decision of this Court is established, its honorable members will pay due attention to the circumstances and condition of every individual concerned."
[source: [...]].
Unger’s book on the life of Adams was a total pleasure to read.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
leigh statham
Having read the author's excellent work on James Monroe, "The Last Founding Father," I was eager to learn how he portrayed John Quincy Adams. While many biographers have devoted thousands of pages to explain his father, John Adams, relatively few have explored his son John Q. Perhaps part of the reason is because John Quincy Adams had a disastrous presidency. Much of this was because of political gridlock, as we experience today. Some of it was because John Q was an intellectual who couldn't easily communicate with ordinary citizens, also a problem we have seen in recent presidencies. Nevertheless the author was able to find a great deal of material before and after the Adams' presidency to interest any reader. Mr. Adams was an accomplished diplomat long before he entered the White House. He also had a remarkable career in the House of Representatives as an early opponent of slavery. The author does a great job of explaining these two exceptional parts of Adams' life which are often ignored by biographers.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
casi black
John Quincy Adams's presidency seems barely a footnote in history, yet his legacy as a statesman, negotiator, congressman and abolitionist place him high in the pantheon of American giants. In this fast-paced and well-written biography, Harlow Giles Unger focuses on the greatness of the man, but does not neglect to underscore the reasons for the failure of his presidency.
Yes, John Quincy Adams was impotent as president, but his ineffectiveness was certainly not for want of qualification. Before becoming president, he served with distinction as a diplomat to several countries, negotiated the end to the War of 1812, served as a U.S. Senator, and later as Secretary of State to President Monroe, not to mention the time he spent in the tutelage of his father, John Adams, the second President of the United States. John Quincy Adams was a great admirer of George Washington, and as a child, was privy to many discussions between his father and the Nation's first president.
In fact, the presidency of John Quincy Adams placed him squarely between the generation of the Founding Fathers and the new era of Jacksonian democrats. Adams was worldly, highly educated, and well traveled, yet as President he was completely out of touch with the American electorate. He remained oblivious to the new reality that Andrew Jackson would seize upon; namely, that partisan politics were here to stay.
In the election of 1824, Jackson won the popular vote but was short of the necessary votes to win in the electoral college. Henry Clay, who had come in fourth place in the race, threw his support to Adams, giving Adams the victory. Adams subsequently named Clay Secretary of State, an office at the time viewed as a logical path to the presidency. It was an appointment that Jackson greatly coveted, and to which, as the winner of the popular vote, he felt somewhat entitled.
Jackson immediately seized upon the appointment as proof that Adams and Clay had colluded to deny Jackson the presidency, calling it a "corrupt bargain". Today such horse-trading in politics is commonplace. But in 1824, this "corrupt bargain" would come back to haunt Adams, as Jackson continued to excoriate Adams for unethically ascending to the highest office in the land. Jackson went on to forge the Democratic Party and toppled Adams from the presidency in 1828.
The irony in this turn of events is that, any bargain aside, Clay was Adams' most logical choice for Secretary of State. In the 1824 election, both men were strong proponents of federal funding for expansion of infrastructure, public roads and canals. Jackson, on the other hand, was completely at odds with this policy, maintaining that such powers were reserved to the states. Adams thought Jackson uncouth and uneducated, and it was unlikely that Adams would ever have chosen Jackson to handle foreign affairs in his administration. Nonetheless, Adams was never able during his presidency to shake off the taint of the "corrupt bargain" accusation.
Drawing from Adam's voluminous diaries, Unger captures the despondency of Adams during his presidency. Adams sensed his ineffectiveness and ultimately " . . .refused to lead or fight". Thus his presidency languished for four years. Living instead an almost pastoral existence, Adams withdrew into a routine of reading, writing poetry, and frequently going for swims in the Potomac.
As Unger demonstrates, some of the ideas Adams proffered as President were ahead of his time. During the 1828 election, for example, Jackson ridiculed Adams for suggesting that the federal government should fund research institutions and create observatories. As the Jacksonians scoffed, Adams aspired to put "lighthouses in the sky". But years later in the U.S. House of Representatives, Adams would chair a committee that spearheaded the establishment of one of the most enduring science and research facilities in the U.S. – the Smithsonian Institute.
By the end of his presidency, Adams deemed his career all but over; but, to the contrary, he only grew in stature once he left office. Returning to his private law practice, Adams took on pro bono and prevailed in one of the most famous cases ever argued in the U.S. Supreme Court. United States v. The Amistad involved the fate of kidnapped Africans who mutinied on a Spanish slave ship, killing the captain and some of the crew. They were subsequently tried in an American court. The Supreme Court upheld the lower court's ruling that the confinement of these individuals was illegal and that in procuring their freedom they had acted in self-defense.
Adams went on to serve as a congressman from Massachusetts for 17 years, gaining much greater acclaim than he ever did as president. Taking up the cause of abolition with great passion, he was, " . . .unstoppable - a meteor spiraling out of control in the political firmament". His colleagues remained far more interested in enforcing a gag order against any discussion of slavery than they were in listening to his arguments or the petitions he read on behalf of abolitionists. Adams correctly predicted that the failure to resolve the conflict of slavery would lead to the dissolution of the nation and eventually to war.
Adams life spanned 11 presidencies, from George Washington to James Polk. He served in the Washington administration as a diplomat, and almost half a century later, he served in the House of Representatives along with Abraham Lincoln, a great admirer of Adams. Nearly a century later, he would again be admired by a future president: John Kennedy dedicated his first essay of Profiles in Courage to John Quincy Adams in his role as U.S. senator.
Unger's book draws heavily from Adams' prodigious and eloquently written dairies. In so doing, we learn of many intimate moments and thoughts of the sixth president. We also benefit from rare glimpses into the personalities and private lives of other luminaries of his time, including his distinguished parents, President John Adams and First Lady Abigail Adams.
Indefatigable, Adams carried on in the service of his country until the age of 80, when he collapsed on the floor of the House Chamber after rising to speak. Two days later, he died in the Capitol Building. By then, the public's faith in him had long been restored, and, in Unger's words, he ". . .emerged as one of the most revered luminaries of the Western world."
As a president, John Quincy Adams has appropriately been relegated to the ranks of the obscure. But it would be unfair to his legacy to let him founder there. Unger's fine biography appropriately elevates and pays tribute to the service and courage of this remarkable figure.
Yes, John Quincy Adams was impotent as president, but his ineffectiveness was certainly not for want of qualification. Before becoming president, he served with distinction as a diplomat to several countries, negotiated the end to the War of 1812, served as a U.S. Senator, and later as Secretary of State to President Monroe, not to mention the time he spent in the tutelage of his father, John Adams, the second President of the United States. John Quincy Adams was a great admirer of George Washington, and as a child, was privy to many discussions between his father and the Nation's first president.
In fact, the presidency of John Quincy Adams placed him squarely between the generation of the Founding Fathers and the new era of Jacksonian democrats. Adams was worldly, highly educated, and well traveled, yet as President he was completely out of touch with the American electorate. He remained oblivious to the new reality that Andrew Jackson would seize upon; namely, that partisan politics were here to stay.
In the election of 1824, Jackson won the popular vote but was short of the necessary votes to win in the electoral college. Henry Clay, who had come in fourth place in the race, threw his support to Adams, giving Adams the victory. Adams subsequently named Clay Secretary of State, an office at the time viewed as a logical path to the presidency. It was an appointment that Jackson greatly coveted, and to which, as the winner of the popular vote, he felt somewhat entitled.
Jackson immediately seized upon the appointment as proof that Adams and Clay had colluded to deny Jackson the presidency, calling it a "corrupt bargain". Today such horse-trading in politics is commonplace. But in 1824, this "corrupt bargain" would come back to haunt Adams, as Jackson continued to excoriate Adams for unethically ascending to the highest office in the land. Jackson went on to forge the Democratic Party and toppled Adams from the presidency in 1828.
The irony in this turn of events is that, any bargain aside, Clay was Adams' most logical choice for Secretary of State. In the 1824 election, both men were strong proponents of federal funding for expansion of infrastructure, public roads and canals. Jackson, on the other hand, was completely at odds with this policy, maintaining that such powers were reserved to the states. Adams thought Jackson uncouth and uneducated, and it was unlikely that Adams would ever have chosen Jackson to handle foreign affairs in his administration. Nonetheless, Adams was never able during his presidency to shake off the taint of the "corrupt bargain" accusation.
Drawing from Adam's voluminous diaries, Unger captures the despondency of Adams during his presidency. Adams sensed his ineffectiveness and ultimately " . . .refused to lead or fight". Thus his presidency languished for four years. Living instead an almost pastoral existence, Adams withdrew into a routine of reading, writing poetry, and frequently going for swims in the Potomac.
As Unger demonstrates, some of the ideas Adams proffered as President were ahead of his time. During the 1828 election, for example, Jackson ridiculed Adams for suggesting that the federal government should fund research institutions and create observatories. As the Jacksonians scoffed, Adams aspired to put "lighthouses in the sky". But years later in the U.S. House of Representatives, Adams would chair a committee that spearheaded the establishment of one of the most enduring science and research facilities in the U.S. – the Smithsonian Institute.
By the end of his presidency, Adams deemed his career all but over; but, to the contrary, he only grew in stature once he left office. Returning to his private law practice, Adams took on pro bono and prevailed in one of the most famous cases ever argued in the U.S. Supreme Court. United States v. The Amistad involved the fate of kidnapped Africans who mutinied on a Spanish slave ship, killing the captain and some of the crew. They were subsequently tried in an American court. The Supreme Court upheld the lower court's ruling that the confinement of these individuals was illegal and that in procuring their freedom they had acted in self-defense.
Adams went on to serve as a congressman from Massachusetts for 17 years, gaining much greater acclaim than he ever did as president. Taking up the cause of abolition with great passion, he was, " . . .unstoppable - a meteor spiraling out of control in the political firmament". His colleagues remained far more interested in enforcing a gag order against any discussion of slavery than they were in listening to his arguments or the petitions he read on behalf of abolitionists. Adams correctly predicted that the failure to resolve the conflict of slavery would lead to the dissolution of the nation and eventually to war.
Adams life spanned 11 presidencies, from George Washington to James Polk. He served in the Washington administration as a diplomat, and almost half a century later, he served in the House of Representatives along with Abraham Lincoln, a great admirer of Adams. Nearly a century later, he would again be admired by a future president: John Kennedy dedicated his first essay of Profiles in Courage to John Quincy Adams in his role as U.S. senator.
Unger's book draws heavily from Adams' prodigious and eloquently written dairies. In so doing, we learn of many intimate moments and thoughts of the sixth president. We also benefit from rare glimpses into the personalities and private lives of other luminaries of his time, including his distinguished parents, President John Adams and First Lady Abigail Adams.
Indefatigable, Adams carried on in the service of his country until the age of 80, when he collapsed on the floor of the House Chamber after rising to speak. Two days later, he died in the Capitol Building. By then, the public's faith in him had long been restored, and, in Unger's words, he ". . .emerged as one of the most revered luminaries of the Western world."
As a president, John Quincy Adams has appropriately been relegated to the ranks of the obscure. But it would be unfair to his legacy to let him founder there. Unger's fine biography appropriately elevates and pays tribute to the service and courage of this remarkable figure.
★ ★ ★ ☆ ☆
beth everett
Unger is a fine writer and clearly an intelligent man, but he sometimes mischaracterizes his subjects. For example he displayed anglophile bias in his characterization of Samuel Adams ("John Hancock: Merchant King and American Patriot").
In this work I think he admirably captures the essence of who John Quincy Adams (JQA) was - an exceptionally able intellect who was fortuitously, for him, exposed to much learning and culture allowing him to develop into an exceptionally able diplomat. However Unger is blind to, or willfully disingenuous, about the implications of Adams upbringing. He was coached (badgered?) into a belief system about rigorous self-improvement - what can be accomplished by dint of human will. JQA managed to physically survive this upbringing, but it cost him dearly in other ways. Adams became so out of touch with the lifestyles and pursuits of common men he could not relate to them as President of the United States, and he was rendered completely ineffective because of it. Like Jimmy Carter who has labored since to redeem himself in the wake of his failed presidency, JQA entered the House of Representatives in wake of his presidency and became, suddenly, a rabid abolitionist. So in reality, JQA became like the modern day out-of-touch liberal, championing the cause of people he would distain to mingle with on a daily basis.
Another implication of the rigor of elite self-improvement JQA was coached in from the cradle that author Unger massages is the reality that virtually all JQA's siblings or children came to serious, serious grief because of it - alcoholism unto death, neglect of duty, getting maids pregnant who then blackmailed impregnator, suicide (or mysterious death) and more. In short the progeny of John Adams (JQA's father and second President of the United States) for at least two generations, almost to a soul, excepting John Quincy, lapsed into utter ruin. Author Unger attributes this tragedy to the evil of the disease called alcoholism, never calling into question the notion the notion of pushing children to be self directed masters of the universe.
In this work I think he admirably captures the essence of who John Quincy Adams (JQA) was - an exceptionally able intellect who was fortuitously, for him, exposed to much learning and culture allowing him to develop into an exceptionally able diplomat. However Unger is blind to, or willfully disingenuous, about the implications of Adams upbringing. He was coached (badgered?) into a belief system about rigorous self-improvement - what can be accomplished by dint of human will. JQA managed to physically survive this upbringing, but it cost him dearly in other ways. Adams became so out of touch with the lifestyles and pursuits of common men he could not relate to them as President of the United States, and he was rendered completely ineffective because of it. Like Jimmy Carter who has labored since to redeem himself in the wake of his failed presidency, JQA entered the House of Representatives in wake of his presidency and became, suddenly, a rabid abolitionist. So in reality, JQA became like the modern day out-of-touch liberal, championing the cause of people he would distain to mingle with on a daily basis.
Another implication of the rigor of elite self-improvement JQA was coached in from the cradle that author Unger massages is the reality that virtually all JQA's siblings or children came to serious, serious grief because of it - alcoholism unto death, neglect of duty, getting maids pregnant who then blackmailed impregnator, suicide (or mysterious death) and more. In short the progeny of John Adams (JQA's father and second President of the United States) for at least two generations, almost to a soul, excepting John Quincy, lapsed into utter ruin. Author Unger attributes this tragedy to the evil of the disease called alcoholism, never calling into question the notion the notion of pushing children to be self directed masters of the universe.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
jesper
John Quincy Adams (2012) by Harlow Giles Unger is a well written and well-researched book that brings to light the sixth president of the United States, and the only son of a Founding Father to become president — John Quincy Adams. The Adams family was not only to give birth to several American statesmen, but also men of letters, diplomats, politicians, historians, and famous Americans — among them the Harvard educator Charles Francis Adams (1807-1886) and his sons, the novelist Henry Adams (1838-1918), and the historian Charles Francis Adams II (1835-1915).
After reading Unger's previously published book about James Monroe (2009), I reset Monroe in a higher pedestal from that in which I had previously placed him, from my knowledge of his life and American history, and from having read W.P. Creeson's masterpiece, "James Monroe" (1946). I was disposed to believe the same about "John Quincy Adams." But that was not to be the case. This was not due to the author's abilities as a writer or historian; Unger did a magnificent job as a biographer in this book. The problem was I learned more about John Quincy Adams that I previously did not know, and this knowledge, regrettably, has made me remove him from the pedestal in which he had rested in my cerebral repository. Unger admires John Quincy very much and this comes through the pages of his book, but in my case it had the opposite effect from what the author intended.
I knew John Quincy was a child prodigy, who became a master diplomat, a great intellectual, a famous scholar, while always remaining a highly religious man and a dutiful son. I knew he had followed his father's footsteps in politics becoming a devote public servant, serving as skilled translator and diplomat in Russia and the rest of Europe, as early as a teenager, in the successive administrations of Presidents George Washington, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison. I was cognizant of his role in helping negotiate and draft the Treaty of Ghent, ending the War of 1812, as the leading U.S. representative in the diplomatic mission. I was aware of his fabulously successful ministration of foreign affairs as Secretary of State for President James Monroe; his assistance in the formulation of the Monroe Doctrine and in negotiating the borders of the U.S.-Canadian frontier with the British. I was aware of his reaching the U.S presidency in 1824, with great gratification for his father, one of the nation's most esteemed founder, who was still alive at the time. I also knew John Quincy was not an effective president, and had been defeated on his re-election bid in 1828 by Andrew Jackson, "Old Hickory" and the hero of New Orleans in the War of 1812. Jackson defeated by John Quincy in the House of Representatives at his first bid for the presidency had created a new opposition, the Democratic Party. I also knew that in his old age, as a dedicated and principled constitutionalist, John Quincy had successfully defended the band of 36 African slaves, who had been kidnapped by slave traders in the ship Amistad; they had mutinied and killed their oppressors, and had thus been put on trial in the U.S., where they had landed; their case had gone all the way to the Supreme Court, and they had been acquitted by the pleading and eloquent oratory of John Quincy, their savior.
This book confirms my recollections and elaborates on this knowledge with engaging prose and much enthusiasm, as Unger describes the ascending and long career of John Quincy Adams in public service. What I did not know was the extent to which John Quincy Adams had contributed to the acrimony between North and South on the issue of the protective tariffs, sectionalism, and slavery; and how he had helped push the country to civil war in the two preceding decades, despite his contention he was a representative of the entire nation and not a political party. These are not points Unger points out or emphasizes to his readers, or that he uses to criticize his hero; they are simply facts that jump out at the reader from the engaging narrative, as divisions between North and South developed in the new nation.
We must note that abolition of slavery was not an issue John Quincy tackled as U.S. President, but that he promoted only after he left the presidency and was elected U.S. Representative from Quincy, Massachusetts, when he could escape responsibility for his divisive and fierce oratory. We all know, as President Harry Truman a century later stressed, that the buck stops with the president. John Quincy's abolitionist spirit, then, only expressed itself when he was a maverick Congressman, but not earlier when he was the Chief Executive. In fact his Presidency was noted for his inactivity, except for his intransigent protective tariffs that promoted Northern manufacturing interest and hurt the agricultural, cotton-producing South, and his frequent nude swimming in the Potomac, one day nearly drowning to his chagrin and embarrassment.
Creating divisiveness and sectionalism because of John Quincy's newly espoused hatred of slavery and abolitionism is in extreme contrast to the stance of other American patriots who loved the Union enough to attempt to preserve it at the expense of their personal beliefs or party affiliations. I refer to Henry Clay (1777-1852, "The Great Compromiser," despite holding contradictory views on slavery), Daniel Webster (1782-1852; who hated and fought against slavery), and Stephen A. Douglas (1813-1861; "The Little Giant," who dies untimely of typhoid fever on the eve of the war) — all of whom did everything within their political power to avoid the bloody civil war that arouse out of the contentious issues of high protective tariffs, slavery, and the right to secede. In the service of their country and seeking conciliation and avoiding civil war, Henry Clay authored the compromise of 1850; followed by Stephen Douglas drafting the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854. For these men loyalty to the Union and compromise transcended personal beliefs and ideals, but not for the militant abolitionist, "the Sage of Quincy," as he was referred by his Northern admirers.
High tariffs, the call for immediate abolition of slavery, and the right of secession were the same tinder box issues that produced the intense divisiveness and acrimony promoted by John Quincy in his incendiary speeches in the House and that plunged the nation a few years later into the bloody Civil War. In his fratricidal and regional conflict 750,000 young soldiers would later perish (the historian John Huddleston estimation is ten percent of all Northern males 20–45 years old and 30 percent of all Southern white males aged 18–40), as well as an undetermined number of civilians. The Civil War exacted the bloodiest and greatest toll of American lives in U.S. history. (Unger is way off the mark in this book, citing an incredibly low and misleading figure of "more than 250,000."(1)
For a man who repeatedly stated he represented the whole nation and not a section of the country and wanted the preservation of the Union, we find the following puzzling contradictions. On his first day in the House of Representative, John Quincy, started the divisive debate on slavery, knowing as he predicted, that slavery, piled upon the related issues of high protective tariffs and secession, would lead to bitter acrimony and eventually bloody Civil War.(2)
John Quincy fought against and blocked appeals of Texas to join the United States because of his determination not to permit slave or possible slave states into the Union, although he had favored Manifest Destiny and Western expansion with extensive "internal improvements" throughout the nation only a few years earlier.
John Quincy, as representative from Massachusetts, had supported the Andrew Jackson administration and the Democrats in their opposition to South Carolina's Nullification Ordinance, but he immediately turned around and opposed reconciliation when the Jacksonian Democrats offered an olive branch to the southern agricultural states by eliminating the economically crushing high protective tariffs.(3)
John Quincy opposed the South Carolina's right to Secede resolutions, and he went on to support Jackson, "the barbarian," when the president told the delegates from South Carolina, "disunion is treason," threatened armed force and enforcement of Jackson's "Force Bill"(3). Not too long afterward, John Quincy made a convenient political volte face to read and support in the floor of the House, the Haverhill anti-slavery Petition from Massachusetts calling for disunion! When another Congressman, young Thomas Marshall of Kentucky, a nephew of the deceased Chief Justice John Marshall, called John Quincy's reading of the petition "high treason," John Quincy lambasted him, and all but sent the congressman scurrying out of the U.S. House and out of politics altogether!(4)
Black Slavery was wrong (equally wrong as the forgotten but generally accepted white [universal] slavery in ancient times) a blot on the United States, but given what we know of history and economics, slavery would have wither in the vine, as it did everywhere else, in Great Britain, Spain, and France and their colonies, Mexico, Brazil, Cuba, Guadeloupe etc. Only in backward Haiti did slavery end in a blood bath in which all whites indiscriminately were massacred. Most of Latin America, former colonies of Spain and Portugal, had black slavery in the 18th and 19th centuries, and not one of those countries required a bloody civil war to end it. Although in Cuba an unsuccessful war for independence had been fought between 1866 and 1876, the island abolished slavery peacefully in 1886. Brazil the largest country in South America with a large black and mixed-race population ended slavery in 1888 — and also without a war."(5)
And yet, John Quincy divining the future affirmed, "a dissolution of the Union for the cause of slavery would be followed by... a war between the two severed portions of the Union. It seems to me that its result must be the extirpation of slavery from this whole continent and desolating as this course of events must be, so glorious would be its final issue, that, as God should judge me, I dare not say that it is not to be desired."(6)
We can not help liking John Quincy Adams as a child prodigy who traveled around the world, already serving his country in 1781 at the tender age of 15 years, going as far as Saint Petersburg, Russia, as translator and secretary to Francis Dana. We continue to cheer John Quincy, as he ascends the diplomatic, government, and public service ladder, up to the time he enters the White House in 1824, presumably via the "Corrupt Bargain" with Henry Clay, as Old Hickory called it. I think this accusation is baseless, and I don't blame him or Clay for aligning with each other; it was an absolutely logical but ultimately disastrous political alliance!
But after that the observant reader may begin questioning John Quincy's aloof and out-of-touch, aristocratic manners as U.S. President. He was understandably defeated for a second term. And then, returning to Washington with a vengeance as U.S. Congressman from Quincy, unprejudiced minds may question his obsessive preoccupation with politics at the expense of his family, particularly his wife Louisa, who without a doubt he neglected, as he did two of his grown but unattended children dying of alcoholism. (Unger blames inheritance from his grandmother's side for the malady; I grant that, but also add the lack of genuine interest in his family, and utter neglect, Unger's assertions notwithstanding.) Although Unger gives short shrift to this, I believe John Quincy's lack of concern and genuine warmth for his wife Louisa is appalling. His father, John Adams (to whom John Quincy was attentive), despite his busy existence and his long absences, remained tender and attentive to Abigail throughout their long lives.
For John Quincy, while serving in the House of Representatives in his latter years, the use of his time in throwing oratorical and incendiary bombs to the hated South in the floor of the capitol was more important. We wonder if his bitter defeat in his re-election Presidential bid in 1828 embittered him politically to foster hatred of that section of the country which had rejected him! And it was not only the slavery issue, but also high tariffs and political intransigence, which he used without mercy against the South to push Southern states over the edge. After reading this biography, I could not help liking John Quincy Adams a bit less than I used to, and considerably less than his father, John Adams, a more towering figure in my judgment. Although far from being stated as such by Unger in this book, John Quincy created as much disharmony between North and South, as John Adams strove to build harmony in creating a new Nation in 1776. It would take a catastrophic civil war to restore the Union and fill the chasm that John Quincy helped to foment in the 1830s and 1840s. This is a book worth reading, as long as we recognize some slight shortcomings, such as the fact that Unger should have pointed out to the reader the less attractive features and shortcomings of his subject, "warts and all, " as much as he underscored and applauded the achievements of John Quincy Adams. This book is recommended for those interested in American history and wish to learn more about John Quincy Adams, the only son of a Founding Father to become President of the United States.
References
1) Unger, WG. John Quincy Adams (2012). Da Capo Press, Philadelphia. p. 312
2) Ibid. p. 266
3) Ibid. p. 269-271
4) Ibid. p. 305
5) Faria MA. Slavery and the Civil War, haciendapublishing.com, July 25, 2011 Available from: [...]
6) Unger. op cit. p. 273.
The reviewer Dr. Miguel Faria is a medical historian, and an Associate Editor in Chief and World Affairs Editor of Surgical Neurology International (SNI). He is the author of Cuba in Revolution -- Escape From a Lost Paradise (2002), and numerous articles on political history, including "Stalin's Mysterious Death" (2011); "Stalin, Communists and Fatal Statistics" (2011); "the Political Spectrum -- From the Extreme Right and Anarchism to the Extreme Left and Communism" (2011); "Violence, mental illness, and the brain -- A brief history of psychosurgery" (2013).
After reading Unger's previously published book about James Monroe (2009), I reset Monroe in a higher pedestal from that in which I had previously placed him, from my knowledge of his life and American history, and from having read W.P. Creeson's masterpiece, "James Monroe" (1946). I was disposed to believe the same about "John Quincy Adams." But that was not to be the case. This was not due to the author's abilities as a writer or historian; Unger did a magnificent job as a biographer in this book. The problem was I learned more about John Quincy Adams that I previously did not know, and this knowledge, regrettably, has made me remove him from the pedestal in which he had rested in my cerebral repository. Unger admires John Quincy very much and this comes through the pages of his book, but in my case it had the opposite effect from what the author intended.
I knew John Quincy was a child prodigy, who became a master diplomat, a great intellectual, a famous scholar, while always remaining a highly religious man and a dutiful son. I knew he had followed his father's footsteps in politics becoming a devote public servant, serving as skilled translator and diplomat in Russia and the rest of Europe, as early as a teenager, in the successive administrations of Presidents George Washington, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison. I was cognizant of his role in helping negotiate and draft the Treaty of Ghent, ending the War of 1812, as the leading U.S. representative in the diplomatic mission. I was aware of his fabulously successful ministration of foreign affairs as Secretary of State for President James Monroe; his assistance in the formulation of the Monroe Doctrine and in negotiating the borders of the U.S.-Canadian frontier with the British. I was aware of his reaching the U.S presidency in 1824, with great gratification for his father, one of the nation's most esteemed founder, who was still alive at the time. I also knew John Quincy was not an effective president, and had been defeated on his re-election bid in 1828 by Andrew Jackson, "Old Hickory" and the hero of New Orleans in the War of 1812. Jackson defeated by John Quincy in the House of Representatives at his first bid for the presidency had created a new opposition, the Democratic Party. I also knew that in his old age, as a dedicated and principled constitutionalist, John Quincy had successfully defended the band of 36 African slaves, who had been kidnapped by slave traders in the ship Amistad; they had mutinied and killed their oppressors, and had thus been put on trial in the U.S., where they had landed; their case had gone all the way to the Supreme Court, and they had been acquitted by the pleading and eloquent oratory of John Quincy, their savior.
This book confirms my recollections and elaborates on this knowledge with engaging prose and much enthusiasm, as Unger describes the ascending and long career of John Quincy Adams in public service. What I did not know was the extent to which John Quincy Adams had contributed to the acrimony between North and South on the issue of the protective tariffs, sectionalism, and slavery; and how he had helped push the country to civil war in the two preceding decades, despite his contention he was a representative of the entire nation and not a political party. These are not points Unger points out or emphasizes to his readers, or that he uses to criticize his hero; they are simply facts that jump out at the reader from the engaging narrative, as divisions between North and South developed in the new nation.
We must note that abolition of slavery was not an issue John Quincy tackled as U.S. President, but that he promoted only after he left the presidency and was elected U.S. Representative from Quincy, Massachusetts, when he could escape responsibility for his divisive and fierce oratory. We all know, as President Harry Truman a century later stressed, that the buck stops with the president. John Quincy's abolitionist spirit, then, only expressed itself when he was a maverick Congressman, but not earlier when he was the Chief Executive. In fact his Presidency was noted for his inactivity, except for his intransigent protective tariffs that promoted Northern manufacturing interest and hurt the agricultural, cotton-producing South, and his frequent nude swimming in the Potomac, one day nearly drowning to his chagrin and embarrassment.
Creating divisiveness and sectionalism because of John Quincy's newly espoused hatred of slavery and abolitionism is in extreme contrast to the stance of other American patriots who loved the Union enough to attempt to preserve it at the expense of their personal beliefs or party affiliations. I refer to Henry Clay (1777-1852, "The Great Compromiser," despite holding contradictory views on slavery), Daniel Webster (1782-1852; who hated and fought against slavery), and Stephen A. Douglas (1813-1861; "The Little Giant," who dies untimely of typhoid fever on the eve of the war) — all of whom did everything within their political power to avoid the bloody civil war that arouse out of the contentious issues of high protective tariffs, slavery, and the right to secede. In the service of their country and seeking conciliation and avoiding civil war, Henry Clay authored the compromise of 1850; followed by Stephen Douglas drafting the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854. For these men loyalty to the Union and compromise transcended personal beliefs and ideals, but not for the militant abolitionist, "the Sage of Quincy," as he was referred by his Northern admirers.
High tariffs, the call for immediate abolition of slavery, and the right of secession were the same tinder box issues that produced the intense divisiveness and acrimony promoted by John Quincy in his incendiary speeches in the House and that plunged the nation a few years later into the bloody Civil War. In his fratricidal and regional conflict 750,000 young soldiers would later perish (the historian John Huddleston estimation is ten percent of all Northern males 20–45 years old and 30 percent of all Southern white males aged 18–40), as well as an undetermined number of civilians. The Civil War exacted the bloodiest and greatest toll of American lives in U.S. history. (Unger is way off the mark in this book, citing an incredibly low and misleading figure of "more than 250,000."(1)
For a man who repeatedly stated he represented the whole nation and not a section of the country and wanted the preservation of the Union, we find the following puzzling contradictions. On his first day in the House of Representative, John Quincy, started the divisive debate on slavery, knowing as he predicted, that slavery, piled upon the related issues of high protective tariffs and secession, would lead to bitter acrimony and eventually bloody Civil War.(2)
John Quincy fought against and blocked appeals of Texas to join the United States because of his determination not to permit slave or possible slave states into the Union, although he had favored Manifest Destiny and Western expansion with extensive "internal improvements" throughout the nation only a few years earlier.
John Quincy, as representative from Massachusetts, had supported the Andrew Jackson administration and the Democrats in their opposition to South Carolina's Nullification Ordinance, but he immediately turned around and opposed reconciliation when the Jacksonian Democrats offered an olive branch to the southern agricultural states by eliminating the economically crushing high protective tariffs.(3)
John Quincy opposed the South Carolina's right to Secede resolutions, and he went on to support Jackson, "the barbarian," when the president told the delegates from South Carolina, "disunion is treason," threatened armed force and enforcement of Jackson's "Force Bill"(3). Not too long afterward, John Quincy made a convenient political volte face to read and support in the floor of the House, the Haverhill anti-slavery Petition from Massachusetts calling for disunion! When another Congressman, young Thomas Marshall of Kentucky, a nephew of the deceased Chief Justice John Marshall, called John Quincy's reading of the petition "high treason," John Quincy lambasted him, and all but sent the congressman scurrying out of the U.S. House and out of politics altogether!(4)
Black Slavery was wrong (equally wrong as the forgotten but generally accepted white [universal] slavery in ancient times) a blot on the United States, but given what we know of history and economics, slavery would have wither in the vine, as it did everywhere else, in Great Britain, Spain, and France and their colonies, Mexico, Brazil, Cuba, Guadeloupe etc. Only in backward Haiti did slavery end in a blood bath in which all whites indiscriminately were massacred. Most of Latin America, former colonies of Spain and Portugal, had black slavery in the 18th and 19th centuries, and not one of those countries required a bloody civil war to end it. Although in Cuba an unsuccessful war for independence had been fought between 1866 and 1876, the island abolished slavery peacefully in 1886. Brazil the largest country in South America with a large black and mixed-race population ended slavery in 1888 — and also without a war."(5)
And yet, John Quincy divining the future affirmed, "a dissolution of the Union for the cause of slavery would be followed by... a war between the two severed portions of the Union. It seems to me that its result must be the extirpation of slavery from this whole continent and desolating as this course of events must be, so glorious would be its final issue, that, as God should judge me, I dare not say that it is not to be desired."(6)
We can not help liking John Quincy Adams as a child prodigy who traveled around the world, already serving his country in 1781 at the tender age of 15 years, going as far as Saint Petersburg, Russia, as translator and secretary to Francis Dana. We continue to cheer John Quincy, as he ascends the diplomatic, government, and public service ladder, up to the time he enters the White House in 1824, presumably via the "Corrupt Bargain" with Henry Clay, as Old Hickory called it. I think this accusation is baseless, and I don't blame him or Clay for aligning with each other; it was an absolutely logical but ultimately disastrous political alliance!
But after that the observant reader may begin questioning John Quincy's aloof and out-of-touch, aristocratic manners as U.S. President. He was understandably defeated for a second term. And then, returning to Washington with a vengeance as U.S. Congressman from Quincy, unprejudiced minds may question his obsessive preoccupation with politics at the expense of his family, particularly his wife Louisa, who without a doubt he neglected, as he did two of his grown but unattended children dying of alcoholism. (Unger blames inheritance from his grandmother's side for the malady; I grant that, but also add the lack of genuine interest in his family, and utter neglect, Unger's assertions notwithstanding.) Although Unger gives short shrift to this, I believe John Quincy's lack of concern and genuine warmth for his wife Louisa is appalling. His father, John Adams (to whom John Quincy was attentive), despite his busy existence and his long absences, remained tender and attentive to Abigail throughout their long lives.
For John Quincy, while serving in the House of Representatives in his latter years, the use of his time in throwing oratorical and incendiary bombs to the hated South in the floor of the capitol was more important. We wonder if his bitter defeat in his re-election Presidential bid in 1828 embittered him politically to foster hatred of that section of the country which had rejected him! And it was not only the slavery issue, but also high tariffs and political intransigence, which he used without mercy against the South to push Southern states over the edge. After reading this biography, I could not help liking John Quincy Adams a bit less than I used to, and considerably less than his father, John Adams, a more towering figure in my judgment. Although far from being stated as such by Unger in this book, John Quincy created as much disharmony between North and South, as John Adams strove to build harmony in creating a new Nation in 1776. It would take a catastrophic civil war to restore the Union and fill the chasm that John Quincy helped to foment in the 1830s and 1840s. This is a book worth reading, as long as we recognize some slight shortcomings, such as the fact that Unger should have pointed out to the reader the less attractive features and shortcomings of his subject, "warts and all, " as much as he underscored and applauded the achievements of John Quincy Adams. This book is recommended for those interested in American history and wish to learn more about John Quincy Adams, the only son of a Founding Father to become President of the United States.
References
1) Unger, WG. John Quincy Adams (2012). Da Capo Press, Philadelphia. p. 312
2) Ibid. p. 266
3) Ibid. p. 269-271
4) Ibid. p. 305
5) Faria MA. Slavery and the Civil War, haciendapublishing.com, July 25, 2011 Available from: [...]
6) Unger. op cit. p. 273.
The reviewer Dr. Miguel Faria is a medical historian, and an Associate Editor in Chief and World Affairs Editor of Surgical Neurology International (SNI). He is the author of Cuba in Revolution -- Escape From a Lost Paradise (2002), and numerous articles on political history, including "Stalin's Mysterious Death" (2011); "Stalin, Communists and Fatal Statistics" (2011); "the Political Spectrum -- From the Extreme Right and Anarchism to the Extreme Left and Communism" (2011); "Violence, mental illness, and the brain -- A brief history of psychosurgery" (2013).
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
gawie
Unmistakably, John Quicy Adams left a huge heritage. A Great diplomat, an even Greater US Representative, he was "gagged" while President by the pro-Jackson House and Senate. He had the vision to promote science, respect among Nations and equality between races. He was a moral Giant in a land of bigotry and racism.
Even if he wasn't understood by the common man, he fought for him with all his Might. Like he used to say, he was the Representative of the whole Nation. Harlow Giles Unger's book is a vivid testimony of this great man, upon whom huge pressure was put to succed.
At last Justice is served, John Quincy Adams deservedly comes alive as one the Greatest American Stateman ever.
Even if he wasn't understood by the common man, he fought for him with all his Might. Like he used to say, he was the Representative of the whole Nation. Harlow Giles Unger's book is a vivid testimony of this great man, upon whom huge pressure was put to succed.
At last Justice is served, John Quincy Adams deservedly comes alive as one the Greatest American Stateman ever.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
courtney kleefeld
John Quincy Adams was one of the most fascinating men in the history of the United States. Born the son of John and Abigail Adams he served his nation over a longer period and in more positions that probably anyone else in history. As a young man he watched from a distance as the British and Americans fought around Boston in the opened fights of the War of Independence. He traveled with his father to France as his father worked with Benjamin Franklin at the court of Versailles. At the age of fourteen he traveled as secretary and interpreter to Frances Dana, the first American ambassador to Russia. After returning to France he became a sort of adopted nephew to his father's close friend Thomas Jefferson.
After graduating from Harvard at the age of 20 he studied law. At the age of 26 George Washington appointed him ambassador to the Netherlands. Three years later at Washington's insistence he was appointed the first Ambassador to Prussia. After Jefferson beat his father in a contentious election Adams resigned and returned him. He served as a Senator from Massachusetts, then as the Ambassador to Russia, then as Ambassador to England. During this time he helped to negotiate the Treaty of Ghent that ended the War of 1812. He serves as James Monroe's Secretary of State and was elected to the Presidency. After losing the next election, Adams quite naturally thought he career over. Two year later he was elected to the US House of Representatives and served as a Congressman for the next fifteen years.
During his time in the House he fought hard to bring down the gag rule that prevented discussion of the slavery issue. He represented the Amistad prisoners. He also fought hard for internal improvements. Adams was an amazing man and has been largely neglected by history. He deserves to be studied. This accessible biography from Harlow Giles Unger is a great place to start learning about this truly great American.
After graduating from Harvard at the age of 20 he studied law. At the age of 26 George Washington appointed him ambassador to the Netherlands. Three years later at Washington's insistence he was appointed the first Ambassador to Prussia. After Jefferson beat his father in a contentious election Adams resigned and returned him. He served as a Senator from Massachusetts, then as the Ambassador to Russia, then as Ambassador to England. During this time he helped to negotiate the Treaty of Ghent that ended the War of 1812. He serves as James Monroe's Secretary of State and was elected to the Presidency. After losing the next election, Adams quite naturally thought he career over. Two year later he was elected to the US House of Representatives and served as a Congressman for the next fifteen years.
During his time in the House he fought hard to bring down the gag rule that prevented discussion of the slavery issue. He represented the Amistad prisoners. He also fought hard for internal improvements. Adams was an amazing man and has been largely neglected by history. He deserves to be studied. This accessible biography from Harlow Giles Unger is a great place to start learning about this truly great American.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
carter
Harlow Unger's timely biography of John Quincy Adams, entitled John Quincy Adams is remarkable and a strong addition to anyone's personal library. No other politician, at the national level, assumed office with Adam's diplomatic experience and background. Evidence of his prescient achievements is still visible today in the form of the Smithsonian Institute, The Bureau of Standards, and the Monroe Doctrine. Unger's tribute to his legacy is long overdue.
Although his life was filled with triumph and tragedy, along with political disappointments, he considered himself a "public servant" serving at the "will" of his president and his fellow compatriots. He rose repeatedly in Congress to champion equal rights and the abolition of slavery. Pro-slavery Southern partisans failed in their efforts to "gag" him. He waged a constant "battle" with his magnificent oratorical skills even as he was vilified for his vision and foresight.
JQA refused to affiliate with a political party. He did not actively support his own legislation, which, in part, created his presidential demise. The rise of populism and a "disjointed" Congress sealed his failed re-election bid.
He served as secretary for the American legation in England. He also served in other capacities in Europe for many years, which accounted for his accrued expertise in foreign affairs and his proficiency in multiple foreign languages.
His name is rarely mentioned in today's world. He deserves recognition for his "love of country" "equal justice" and his unswerving dedication to the principles of constitutional law. Consequently, this book is important in that it underscores his life and his many accomplishments.
Although his life was filled with triumph and tragedy, along with political disappointments, he considered himself a "public servant" serving at the "will" of his president and his fellow compatriots. He rose repeatedly in Congress to champion equal rights and the abolition of slavery. Pro-slavery Southern partisans failed in their efforts to "gag" him. He waged a constant "battle" with his magnificent oratorical skills even as he was vilified for his vision and foresight.
JQA refused to affiliate with a political party. He did not actively support his own legislation, which, in part, created his presidential demise. The rise of populism and a "disjointed" Congress sealed his failed re-election bid.
He served as secretary for the American legation in England. He also served in other capacities in Europe for many years, which accounted for his accrued expertise in foreign affairs and his proficiency in multiple foreign languages.
His name is rarely mentioned in today's world. He deserves recognition for his "love of country" "equal justice" and his unswerving dedication to the principles of constitutional law. Consequently, this book is important in that it underscores his life and his many accomplishments.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
bowerbird
John Quincy Adams, by Harlow Giles Unger (Da Capo Press, September 2012), is more than it seems. It's not just the biography of an American who would grow up to lead his nation, or the story a much-loved son. It's a lesson that many Americans need to get reacquainted with.
What happens when parents help their kids get a good education, and then urge them to use what they learned? The short answer is that those kids grow up to be highly productive members of society, and better citizens.
You can listen to our full one-hour discussion of this book at:
[...]
As I post this review, we are recovering from a hotly contested Presidential race. Issues of character and governmental policy have been blended together by the mainstream media in an effort to formulate addictive high-octane cocktails intended generate big ratings, rather than informed discourse and meaningful debates that'll give us a good reason to vote in 2014.
It's been said that those who don't know their history are doomed to repeat it. I think it's very fitting that this book comes out at this time. The history contained in these pages is important in and of itself...but...Unger's work addresses more than the chronological sequence of a great man's life.
This biography demonstrates the value of character, ethics, and integrity. This demonstration goes well beyond the rewards for such high mindedness. It includes the price to be paid for such convictions. I find these virtues to be missing from today's America, which is why I'm so glad to seem them represented in this book.
John Quincy Adams was the first son of John and Abigail Adams. He was born in 1767, a decade before the American Revolution. He came in to the Colonial world at a time when people believed that all of us had an obligation to make the most of what we had.
His father, John Adams, was a successful attorney long before he became one of America's Founding Fathers. His mother, Abigail, was a strong-willed woman who bucked many of the socio-economic `traditions' of her day.
It turns out that John Quincy kept a detailed diary for most of his life (He died in 1848, after 83 years of exceptional living). Writing on paper, he recorded that his parents were constantly urging him to make the most of his education. Later in life, they pushed him to make the most of what he learned in the classroom, and in professional life. Historians use much of this diary today, when they want to examine what went on at that time.
I found myself relating to John Quincy, especially in his early years, with the turning of each page. Unger makes relatively few value judgments about his subject, except to say that John Quincy's observations and behaviors represent a clear and decisive intent on his part to learn more and do more throughout his entire life.
My parents urged me to make the most of my classroom education. "You only get to do this one time," my mother used to say (many times). "Learn now, do later," my father said when I was five. This point was drilled in to me until the day I left for college.
Today's politicians go out of their way to divide us, so that we can be more easily lead. Our differences are constantly highlighted in a way that is intended to splinter our society, so that we can be more easily lead. Very few of our leaders ever talk about the things we have in common, except to say that these commonalities should `prove' that we're entitled to something-or-other...that...they'll get for us...if we vote for them.
Hypocrites point out that John Quincy had unfair advantages in life, because he was born in to a wealthy family. They don't talk about how that family came in to its wealth. Nor do they like to talk about how those people behaved while they worked so hard.
Nobody forced John Adams to get an education, but he did. Nobody forced Abigail Adams to be a Super Mom, but she did it. Nobody forced them to work together, or to build a family, but they did. And, they told all of their kids why they were doing it.
John Quincy is the son of the second American President. He later went on to become our sixth national leader. His political success is undeniable. His contributions to the future growth of our country are not in dispute. He played a vital role in making us the major player that we are today.
I thought about all of that long and hard before sitting down to speak with the author for one full hour. This is, after all, The Politics and Patriotism Show. How do we NOT talk about the politics of this man, or his patriotism?
To be entirely honest, the author helped me sort this out from the very start of our conversation. I asked him right off the bat, "What do we most need to know about this man?" Harlow's response was passionate, enthusiastic...and...lengthy.
I've known about John Quincy Adams as a historical figure for almost four decades, but I've never really known about him as a flesh and blood man. Unger's emphasis on character throughout the book weighed heavily on me when I went in to this interview.
I wasn't quite sure how I would wedge that in around the usual discourse of names and dates that is so common this type of conversation. I was absolutely thrilled when the author wanted to make matters of character and ethics a central issue in this conversation.
We so very often talk about what historical figures did, but we almost never talk about the foundations of their characters and what inspired their actions. In many cases, we don't actually know (for a fact) what motivated their actions, which is why historians spend so much time doing guesswork.
Anyone who reads this biography will find more than a historical record of events, which caused a nation to rise. They'll also discover a distinct pattern of efforts and behaviors that allowed one man to find out how `good' he could really be. This is not moralization on Unger's part. He lets the man speak for himself.
I found a lot to empathize with as I read on. My own parents were quite good at what hey did, and they never once let me forget that all of their accomplishments came at a cost in time and effort. "Blood, sweat, and tears," as my mother put it so often.
"Good men do good things," My father said. He was also quite fond of the mantra, "think big and do big." Both of my parents told me that citizenship was hard, and that working for the greater good was a noble sacrifice for the benefit of future generations.
John Quincy's parents reminded him that great men do great things. Personal initiative, self-sufficiency, and lifelong attention to the fate of the nation, are all goals worth striving for. These are the aspirations that John Quincy spent so much time putting in his diary. They're also the things he spent so much of his life actually doing.
This is, perhaps, a loftier version of what my parents told me, but the sentiment is still the same. This notion is absent from today's national political scene. I was pleased by the fact that these cherish values are there in every page of this book, from start to finish.
What are you capable of? What can you actually do? What should you do for others? The men and women who founded this country asked themselves these questions all the time. My parents put these interrogatives to me so often that I eventually came to hate the questions.
None of us are perfect. We all make mistakes. John Quincy made a few of his own blunders that are still being talked about today. The moral of his story, if there is one, would be this:
The best of us can do the best for us, if we are wise enough to elect them. The worst of us will do the worst for us, if we are foolish enough to give them power. Our challenge, as citizens, should be to make the most of who and what we are so that we'll know by their actions who embodies what we believe in...and...who does not.
John Adams could've been just another lawyer. He was not. John Quincy Adams could've been just another dilettante. He was not. These men were better off for their efforts, and so was their country.
I am legally blind, with just one eye. Many members of our society regard me as utterly unemployable. My government seems to agree. I could just as easily stay home and collect a benefits check (with medical), for the rest of my life.
Stop and think about that for a moment. I have a lot of incentives to not read this book, or to learn from it. How "right" is that? Is that really good for me? Is that good for the nation? John Quincy Adams would not think so, and neither do I.
What happens when parents help their kids get a good education, and then urge them to use what they learned? The short answer is that those kids grow up to be highly productive members of society, and better citizens.
You can listen to our full one-hour discussion of this book at:
[...]
As I post this review, we are recovering from a hotly contested Presidential race. Issues of character and governmental policy have been blended together by the mainstream media in an effort to formulate addictive high-octane cocktails intended generate big ratings, rather than informed discourse and meaningful debates that'll give us a good reason to vote in 2014.
It's been said that those who don't know their history are doomed to repeat it. I think it's very fitting that this book comes out at this time. The history contained in these pages is important in and of itself...but...Unger's work addresses more than the chronological sequence of a great man's life.
This biography demonstrates the value of character, ethics, and integrity. This demonstration goes well beyond the rewards for such high mindedness. It includes the price to be paid for such convictions. I find these virtues to be missing from today's America, which is why I'm so glad to seem them represented in this book.
John Quincy Adams was the first son of John and Abigail Adams. He was born in 1767, a decade before the American Revolution. He came in to the Colonial world at a time when people believed that all of us had an obligation to make the most of what we had.
His father, John Adams, was a successful attorney long before he became one of America's Founding Fathers. His mother, Abigail, was a strong-willed woman who bucked many of the socio-economic `traditions' of her day.
It turns out that John Quincy kept a detailed diary for most of his life (He died in 1848, after 83 years of exceptional living). Writing on paper, he recorded that his parents were constantly urging him to make the most of his education. Later in life, they pushed him to make the most of what he learned in the classroom, and in professional life. Historians use much of this diary today, when they want to examine what went on at that time.
I found myself relating to John Quincy, especially in his early years, with the turning of each page. Unger makes relatively few value judgments about his subject, except to say that John Quincy's observations and behaviors represent a clear and decisive intent on his part to learn more and do more throughout his entire life.
My parents urged me to make the most of my classroom education. "You only get to do this one time," my mother used to say (many times). "Learn now, do later," my father said when I was five. This point was drilled in to me until the day I left for college.
Today's politicians go out of their way to divide us, so that we can be more easily lead. Our differences are constantly highlighted in a way that is intended to splinter our society, so that we can be more easily lead. Very few of our leaders ever talk about the things we have in common, except to say that these commonalities should `prove' that we're entitled to something-or-other...that...they'll get for us...if we vote for them.
Hypocrites point out that John Quincy had unfair advantages in life, because he was born in to a wealthy family. They don't talk about how that family came in to its wealth. Nor do they like to talk about how those people behaved while they worked so hard.
Nobody forced John Adams to get an education, but he did. Nobody forced Abigail Adams to be a Super Mom, but she did it. Nobody forced them to work together, or to build a family, but they did. And, they told all of their kids why they were doing it.
John Quincy is the son of the second American President. He later went on to become our sixth national leader. His political success is undeniable. His contributions to the future growth of our country are not in dispute. He played a vital role in making us the major player that we are today.
I thought about all of that long and hard before sitting down to speak with the author for one full hour. This is, after all, The Politics and Patriotism Show. How do we NOT talk about the politics of this man, or his patriotism?
To be entirely honest, the author helped me sort this out from the very start of our conversation. I asked him right off the bat, "What do we most need to know about this man?" Harlow's response was passionate, enthusiastic...and...lengthy.
I've known about John Quincy Adams as a historical figure for almost four decades, but I've never really known about him as a flesh and blood man. Unger's emphasis on character throughout the book weighed heavily on me when I went in to this interview.
I wasn't quite sure how I would wedge that in around the usual discourse of names and dates that is so common this type of conversation. I was absolutely thrilled when the author wanted to make matters of character and ethics a central issue in this conversation.
We so very often talk about what historical figures did, but we almost never talk about the foundations of their characters and what inspired their actions. In many cases, we don't actually know (for a fact) what motivated their actions, which is why historians spend so much time doing guesswork.
Anyone who reads this biography will find more than a historical record of events, which caused a nation to rise. They'll also discover a distinct pattern of efforts and behaviors that allowed one man to find out how `good' he could really be. This is not moralization on Unger's part. He lets the man speak for himself.
I found a lot to empathize with as I read on. My own parents were quite good at what hey did, and they never once let me forget that all of their accomplishments came at a cost in time and effort. "Blood, sweat, and tears," as my mother put it so often.
"Good men do good things," My father said. He was also quite fond of the mantra, "think big and do big." Both of my parents told me that citizenship was hard, and that working for the greater good was a noble sacrifice for the benefit of future generations.
John Quincy's parents reminded him that great men do great things. Personal initiative, self-sufficiency, and lifelong attention to the fate of the nation, are all goals worth striving for. These are the aspirations that John Quincy spent so much time putting in his diary. They're also the things he spent so much of his life actually doing.
This is, perhaps, a loftier version of what my parents told me, but the sentiment is still the same. This notion is absent from today's national political scene. I was pleased by the fact that these cherish values are there in every page of this book, from start to finish.
What are you capable of? What can you actually do? What should you do for others? The men and women who founded this country asked themselves these questions all the time. My parents put these interrogatives to me so often that I eventually came to hate the questions.
None of us are perfect. We all make mistakes. John Quincy made a few of his own blunders that are still being talked about today. The moral of his story, if there is one, would be this:
The best of us can do the best for us, if we are wise enough to elect them. The worst of us will do the worst for us, if we are foolish enough to give them power. Our challenge, as citizens, should be to make the most of who and what we are so that we'll know by their actions who embodies what we believe in...and...who does not.
John Adams could've been just another lawyer. He was not. John Quincy Adams could've been just another dilettante. He was not. These men were better off for their efforts, and so was their country.
I am legally blind, with just one eye. Many members of our society regard me as utterly unemployable. My government seems to agree. I could just as easily stay home and collect a benefits check (with medical), for the rest of my life.
Stop and think about that for a moment. I have a lot of incentives to not read this book, or to learn from it. How "right" is that? Is that really good for me? Is that good for the nation? John Quincy Adams would not think so, and neither do I.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
nikki zolotar
While I agree with the reviewers who say that the author could gone into more detail concerning some aspects of John Quincy's life, that can be extremely hard to do in a book just a little over 300 pages long, without making the book much longer and bogging the reader down with details that might not even be accurate. Having said that the book was a well written, thoroughly researched, most enjoyable read.
As with all of Giles other books, he not only gives you the political history (accomplishments and failures) of the person he's writing about, but also details the personal side of their lives. Areas such as their family life and each family member's personalty traits and lifestyle habits are included. John Quincy, for example, loved to learn and was an avid reader who loved history. He spoke numerous languages and served as U.S. ambassador under different presidents to various European countries and became good friends with the monarchs of every country. He also loved to swim and hike. As a child, he traveled with his father John Adams, who was also ambassador and became friends with monarchs and other American ambassadors. Adam's aristocratic upbringing would make it hard for him to express himself understandably to the average American while president.
When asked to be the American ambassador to Russia, he and his wife left all but one son (one only seven years old) in the care of relatives for many years to take the post. Could this be the reason for his son's alcoholic problems, not alcohol disease? Abandoning a seven year old is a traumatic experience. The only child that didn't develop those problems was the son they took to Russia with them. His Father did the same thing as ambassador with John Quincy's uncles also being alcoholics. Do yourself a favor and read the book.
As with all of Giles other books, he not only gives you the political history (accomplishments and failures) of the person he's writing about, but also details the personal side of their lives. Areas such as their family life and each family member's personalty traits and lifestyle habits are included. John Quincy, for example, loved to learn and was an avid reader who loved history. He spoke numerous languages and served as U.S. ambassador under different presidents to various European countries and became good friends with the monarchs of every country. He also loved to swim and hike. As a child, he traveled with his father John Adams, who was also ambassador and became friends with monarchs and other American ambassadors. Adam's aristocratic upbringing would make it hard for him to express himself understandably to the average American while president.
When asked to be the American ambassador to Russia, he and his wife left all but one son (one only seven years old) in the care of relatives for many years to take the post. Could this be the reason for his son's alcoholic problems, not alcohol disease? Abandoning a seven year old is a traumatic experience. The only child that didn't develop those problems was the son they took to Russia with them. His Father did the same thing as ambassador with John Quincy's uncles also being alcoholics. Do yourself a favor and read the book.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
lynn ellen
This book is so felicitously written that it is a sheer joy to read. It is not overly erudite, and sometimes one wonders whether it is rigorously accurate. I noted these minor but maybe inexcusable errors: On page 146 it is stated that James Madison took office on March 4, 1804, whereas he actually took office on Mar 4, 1809. On page 186 it is stated that Castlereagh prevented Russia from swallowing Poland--but Poland was swallowed in 1793 by Prussia, Austria, and Russia and stayed 'swallowed' till 1918. I really did not think it necessary to read a biography of Adams since I read Samuel Flagg Bemis' two volume biography in December 1970. But that is a long time ago and I found this book told me a lot more about Adams' personal life--all of much interest--and I am really glad I decided to read this fascinating book. The final chapters, relating Adams' time in the House of Representatives from 1831 to 1848, is most excellently done and cannot fail to bring joy to anyone reading it, and cause one to be exultantly grateful that Adams' career closed so magnificently, after his less than happy four years as President from 1825 to 1829.
★ ★ ☆ ☆ ☆
jacquoline williams
A decent author starts with 14,000 pages of diary to document the life of one of America's foremost politicians and thinkers, and produces ... this. It's comprehensive, but totally flat and uninspiring biography ... the reader hears about dinners and conversations, about key votes and events ...but is never THERE ... actually in the room, looking at the furnishings and the flickering gas lamps, staring at the strange clothing, being waited on by slaves ... this sort of background context is never provided.
Adams goes to London,France, Holland and the depths of Russia ... and while we are told what happened we never get to experience it. How did Adams adjust from one culture to another ... how did he compare them? Aside from a few lines, we don't know. This is sort of the anti-Barbara Touchman sort of history ... no cultural context is provided at all.
Disappointing and dull. Adams deserves better ... I stopped reading midway through ...no point to plowing on.
Adams goes to London,France, Holland and the depths of Russia ... and while we are told what happened we never get to experience it. How did Adams adjust from one culture to another ... how did he compare them? Aside from a few lines, we don't know. This is sort of the anti-Barbara Touchman sort of history ... no cultural context is provided at all.
Disappointing and dull. Adams deserves better ... I stopped reading midway through ...no point to plowing on.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
annemarie
.
If you loved the movie "Amistad," you already know about John Quincy Adams's courage and determination to do what he believed to be right. Adams was an erudite, fascinating and stubborn man who eschewed political parties in favor of a better America. The "Gag Rule" was invented to shut up John Quincy Adams.
One of the things I like best about this book is the way Unger has put John Quincy Adams in the context of his time. Adams's life, (1767-1848), was a bridge between two distinct eras. The XYZ Affair, the Quasi-War, Andrew Jackson's bid for Presidency and other things allotted only two or three sentences in the ordinary college textbook, take on real meaning and importance in this book.
This is a thoughtful and thought-provoking book based on John Quincy Adams's own diaries and journals. Unger supplies an excellent story line, as well as a good bibliography, footnotes, and index.
Next on my reading list are all the rest of Unger's biographies.
Kim Burdick
Stanton, Delaware
If you loved the movie "Amistad," you already know about John Quincy Adams's courage and determination to do what he believed to be right. Adams was an erudite, fascinating and stubborn man who eschewed political parties in favor of a better America. The "Gag Rule" was invented to shut up John Quincy Adams.
One of the things I like best about this book is the way Unger has put John Quincy Adams in the context of his time. Adams's life, (1767-1848), was a bridge between two distinct eras. The XYZ Affair, the Quasi-War, Andrew Jackson's bid for Presidency and other things allotted only two or three sentences in the ordinary college textbook, take on real meaning and importance in this book.
This is a thoughtful and thought-provoking book based on John Quincy Adams's own diaries and journals. Unger supplies an excellent story line, as well as a good bibliography, footnotes, and index.
Next on my reading list are all the rest of Unger's biographies.
Kim Burdick
Stanton, Delaware
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
tasneem hiasat
The presidencies of John and John Quincy Adams are some of the perplexing and misunderstood. This book is just a continuation of the US people's perception (which is probably correct) of these two men just simply being out of touch with the voters. No one will dispute the intelligence and qualifications of both to be president but they simply were not good politicians. JQA is portrayed in this book in a very neutral way but what I found most revealing was his behavior while in office. It was so disheartening to read about how he absolutely hated being in office (like his Dad). Unlike his Father, he was still involved in politics after the presidency but more in a clerical or administrative way.. drawing up law and policy. That's what they were excellent at, not being the politician that is required of being a great president. In summary, it's a quick read to get to know JQA in a more "human" light.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
howard olsen
After reading a few books on the Adams family and the elder John Adams, I was interested in learning more about John Quincy Adams. John Quincy was groomed from a young age to live a life in politics. This book describes John Quincy Adams' life from birth, to growing up under the tutelage of John and Abigail Adams, to his early years in politics, up to his presidency and years following his presidency. In my opinion, this is a wonderful overview of the life of John Quincy Adams.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
sarita perez
Despite my lifelong love of American history and politics, I knew very little about John Quincy Adams. Oh of course I knew that he was the first son of a president to become president himself and I knew that he died serving in the House of Representatives. That last bit should have alerted me to the fact that this was a most unusual man; can you imagine any of the presidents in recent memory to serve afterward in the House? Anyway, that little tidbit somehow just passed right over me.
Now I know that his real service to this country came before and after his undistinguished presidency. He had a long career in the foreign service, learning as he traveled with his father throughout Europe on diplomatic missions. His mother and father were very hard on him, making him study a classical education seriously and then restudy to enter Harvard. He became a scholar and excellent diplomat, but wasn't able to reach down to the level of the common man. Washington habitues thought of him as a snob and they weren't wrong.
I hadn't realized that alcoholism ran in his mother (Abigail's) family so many of the Adams sons were lost to that disease and were a constant thorn in the side of John Quincy. He supported them and tried all his life to help them.
Ironically, after his presidency he discovered that he actually liked campaigning and realized his true love of politics. To his wife's despair, he threw himself into his work for the House and to the despair of his colleagues, he became passionate about bringing an end to slavery.
As a child, John Quincy sat with his mother on a hill near their home and witnessed the Battle of Bunker Hill. He died in 1860 shortly before the Civil War. Imagine all that this one man who was so deeply involved with our government witnessed and took part in during his long life. That and the highly readable prose of the author make this one fascinating look at our history and a man who led a life one can only dream about. I won't overlook him again.
Source: gift from a friend
Highly recommended reading
Now I know that his real service to this country came before and after his undistinguished presidency. He had a long career in the foreign service, learning as he traveled with his father throughout Europe on diplomatic missions. His mother and father were very hard on him, making him study a classical education seriously and then restudy to enter Harvard. He became a scholar and excellent diplomat, but wasn't able to reach down to the level of the common man. Washington habitues thought of him as a snob and they weren't wrong.
I hadn't realized that alcoholism ran in his mother (Abigail's) family so many of the Adams sons were lost to that disease and were a constant thorn in the side of John Quincy. He supported them and tried all his life to help them.
Ironically, after his presidency he discovered that he actually liked campaigning and realized his true love of politics. To his wife's despair, he threw himself into his work for the House and to the despair of his colleagues, he became passionate about bringing an end to slavery.
As a child, John Quincy sat with his mother on a hill near their home and witnessed the Battle of Bunker Hill. He died in 1860 shortly before the Civil War. Imagine all that this one man who was so deeply involved with our government witnessed and took part in during his long life. That and the highly readable prose of the author make this one fascinating look at our history and a man who led a life one can only dream about. I won't overlook him again.
Source: gift from a friend
Highly recommended reading
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
geni
John Quincy Adams by Harlow Unger is a well written and well researched biography of our sixth President.
John Quincy suffered many personal tragedies along with many political triumphs and disappointments. The narrative weaves naturally from the political to the personal and back again. Here and there the recounting of the family relations and failures of John Quincy's own sons get confusing, but this is a minor criticism.
John Quincy led a most remarkable life. Unger's biography of him is enjoyable and informative read not just for the history buff, but for the casual reader as well. It is a biography worthy of a five stat rating.
John Quincy suffered many personal tragedies along with many political triumphs and disappointments. The narrative weaves naturally from the political to the personal and back again. Here and there the recounting of the family relations and failures of John Quincy's own sons get confusing, but this is a minor criticism.
John Quincy led a most remarkable life. Unger's biography of him is enjoyable and informative read not just for the history buff, but for the casual reader as well. It is a biography worthy of a five stat rating.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
afeez
In his last book, about President James Monroe, author Harlow Giles Unger was accused of hero worship resulting in a loss of objectivity about his subject. He apparently listened to his critics because in his recent biography of John Quincy Adams, the 6th President of the United States, Unger paints a complete picture of the second President Adams, warts and all, and in doing so he has written a very good accounting of the life of a most interesting and overlooked historical figure.
Unger begins with an excellent accounting of the youth and upbringing of the oldest son of John Adams, from the time when, as a child, he and his mother watched the Battle of Bunker Hill from an adjacent hillside, to his travels with his famous father including the dangerous sea crossings and the various treks across Europe. We learn of his education, both in the classics, and as a diplomat. More than just simply recounting the bare facts, Unger gives the reader insight into why John Quincy Adams became the man he grew to be: principled, curmudgeonly and almost certainly someone who had difficulty relating to his peers because of his superior education and life experiences. Unger even explains how his subject's attitude towards the opposite sex developed and describes the challenging and complex relationship with his wife of 50 years Louisa Catherine Adams, throughout all of her trials and tribulations.
Although Unger points out that there is much to be admired about his subject, he concedes that John Quincy Adams was not a great president, mainly because of his inability to understand and relate to the common man. He describes John Quincy's success as a Secretary of State, a position for which he was uniquely qualified. He tells us how, contrary to everyone's predictions of the opposite occurring, Adams was very much a "team player" in the administration of President James Monroe and was therefore able to accomplish much. Unger gives a good accounting of the alleged "corrupt bargain" that led to Adams becoming President, in spite of his finishing second in the election of 1824, and dispels the theory that any unseemly deal was ever struck. He also dissects the reasons for Adams undoing as president.
It is in his post-presidential career that John Quincy Adams shines, as a champion for the abolition of slavery, battling attempts to curtail his freedom of speech, and as an exceptional orator. We are also told of Adams' keen insight into the future, his accurate prediction of both the Mexican War and the Civil War before either occurred and how he likely influenced his fellow congressman Abraham Lincoln in the latter's writing of the Emancipation Proclamation years after Adams death. Unger ends with a very eloquent eulogy to his subject.
The author is fortunate that his subject was a diarist who left a very thorough record of his thoughts from a very early age on until his health prevented him from keeping up the diary. But Unger is also very intelligent in his selection of passages from that diary to explain to the reader the inner workings of the mind of a subject of under-estimated historical importance.
This is the best historical biography of 2012 that I have read so far. The author's passion makes it very readable. I highly recommend this book, certainly if you enjoy US history, but even if you don't, for the sheer pleasure of reading how history can be a pleasure to read.
Unger begins with an excellent accounting of the youth and upbringing of the oldest son of John Adams, from the time when, as a child, he and his mother watched the Battle of Bunker Hill from an adjacent hillside, to his travels with his famous father including the dangerous sea crossings and the various treks across Europe. We learn of his education, both in the classics, and as a diplomat. More than just simply recounting the bare facts, Unger gives the reader insight into why John Quincy Adams became the man he grew to be: principled, curmudgeonly and almost certainly someone who had difficulty relating to his peers because of his superior education and life experiences. Unger even explains how his subject's attitude towards the opposite sex developed and describes the challenging and complex relationship with his wife of 50 years Louisa Catherine Adams, throughout all of her trials and tribulations.
Although Unger points out that there is much to be admired about his subject, he concedes that John Quincy Adams was not a great president, mainly because of his inability to understand and relate to the common man. He describes John Quincy's success as a Secretary of State, a position for which he was uniquely qualified. He tells us how, contrary to everyone's predictions of the opposite occurring, Adams was very much a "team player" in the administration of President James Monroe and was therefore able to accomplish much. Unger gives a good accounting of the alleged "corrupt bargain" that led to Adams becoming President, in spite of his finishing second in the election of 1824, and dispels the theory that any unseemly deal was ever struck. He also dissects the reasons for Adams undoing as president.
It is in his post-presidential career that John Quincy Adams shines, as a champion for the abolition of slavery, battling attempts to curtail his freedom of speech, and as an exceptional orator. We are also told of Adams' keen insight into the future, his accurate prediction of both the Mexican War and the Civil War before either occurred and how he likely influenced his fellow congressman Abraham Lincoln in the latter's writing of the Emancipation Proclamation years after Adams death. Unger ends with a very eloquent eulogy to his subject.
The author is fortunate that his subject was a diarist who left a very thorough record of his thoughts from a very early age on until his health prevented him from keeping up the diary. But Unger is also very intelligent in his selection of passages from that diary to explain to the reader the inner workings of the mind of a subject of under-estimated historical importance.
This is the best historical biography of 2012 that I have read so far. The author's passion makes it very readable. I highly recommend this book, certainly if you enjoy US history, but even if you don't, for the sheer pleasure of reading how history can be a pleasure to read.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
emma stanger
This is a well researched and well written book depicting one of our nations greatest heroes. J.Q.A. was a brilliant scholar who never stopped his search for knowledge. He was instrumental in bringing the United States of America to the forefront of global prominence when we were struggling
to fulfill the destiny Providence had meant us to be. Harlow Giles Unger has many books of history to his credit and this is the very best.
Dr. Welcome W. Adamson
to fulfill the destiny Providence had meant us to be. Harlow Giles Unger has many books of history to his credit and this is the very best.
Dr. Welcome W. Adamson
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
limawatanachai
Good introduction to John Quincy Adams. While I knew a lot about his overall story coming I had never read a biography on just him alone. After reading this there are definitely now pieces of his story I am more interested in but this book successfully gave me a great overview and great start. I would imagine many readers who have already studied the ex president wouldn't find a lot new here. However in my case I can give it two thumbs up for being a great starter read.
★ ★ ★ ☆ ☆
caroline cunniffe
While I enjoyed this biography, it's not what one might call exhaustive. Most interesting to me was the first half, which covered his childhood and his experiences and role as US minister to several European countries, which I was not very familiar with. Once past this part, it's more of a brief synopsis of his role in Washington in Monroe's cabinet and his failed Presidency, and then his brilliant career in the House of Representatives (which is covered much better and in more detail in Joseph Wheelan's book "Mr. Adams Last Crusade"). Still, I'm glad I read this, even if it's more of a summary than an in depth biography.
★ ★ ★ ★ ★
leslieva
Although he's not considered one of the traditional founding fathers, his biography is just as inspirational. A true American politician who believed in the causes he fought for and showed *gasp* humility??? A wonderful read.
★ ★ ★ ★ ☆
alex 8882
A good but brief biography of JQA. Well written and well researched. The author, just like in his previous writings, has the bad habit of using the phrase "all but" much too often and that becomes distracting. It's all but annoying to see it so frequently used. A good editor would have helped. Otherwise, a good although short biography. Recommended follow up: "Mr. Adams's Last Crusade: John Quincy Adams's Extraordinary Post-Presidential Life in Congress" by Joseph Wheelan.
Please RateJohn Quincy Adams